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The Chinua Achebe Foundation Interview Series #19

Nigeria:
A Meeting of the Minds
(Gen. Muhammadu Buhari in Conversation with Pini Jason)

by
The Chinua Achebe Foundation

General Muhammadu Buhari,

Chinua Achebe

Prof. Chinua Achebe

 

Gen. Muhammadu Buhari

Gen. Muhammadu Buhari

Presidential Candidate of the All Nigerian Peoples Party, ANPP, in the 2003 presidential election, was Nigeria’s military Head of State and Commander-In-Chief, from December 1983 to August 1985, when he was toppled by his Army Chief of Staff, Gen Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida.

 

Buhari was born on December 17, 1942, in Daura in present Katsina State, Nigeria. He had his primary school education at Daura and Mai’adua, from 1948 to 1952. He attended Katsina Middle School, from 1953 to 1956; and Katsina Provincial Secondary School from 1956 to 1962. He joined the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna in 1962. He attended Mons Officers Cadet School, Aldershot, England, from 1962 to 63; Nigerian Military Training College Kaduna, from 1963 to 1963; Army Mechanical Transport School, England, May-June 1965. He was also trained at the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington, January-November 1973 and Army War College, USA, 1979 to 1980.

 

 

General Muhammadu Buhari has held several staff appointments. He was mechanical transport officer, Lagos Garrison Transport Company, 1964-65; transport company commander, 2 Infantry Brigade Transport Company, January-July 1965; battalion adjutant, later battalion company commander 2 Infantry Battalion 1965-67; brigade major, 1 Infantry Division April-July 1967; brigade major and commander 4 Infantry Brigade 1968-70; commander, 31 Infantry Brigade 1970-71; assistant adjutant-general 1 Infantry Division 1971-72; colonel general staff, 3 Infantry Division, January-September 1974; and director Supply and Transport, Nigerian Army, 1974-75.

 

General Buhari was appointed military Governor of former North Eastern State, 1975-76; military Governor, Borno State, 1976. He later became the Federal Commissioner (Federal Minister) for Petroleum Resources, 1976-78; and Chairman, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, 1976-79. In July 1980, he returned to regular army duties as the General Officer Commanding, GOC, 4 Division, 1980-81; GOC 2 Mechanized Infantry Division Ibadan, January-October 1981; GOC 3 Armoured Division Jos, 1981-84.

 

Highly decorated in Nigeria and abroad, Gen Buhari is married with children. He plays tennis, squash and golf.

 

General Buhari was interviewed by PINI JASON.

 

 

About Pini Jason


Mr. Pini Jason is a columnist for Nigeria’s Vanguard newspaper, Associate Editor of New African,
London (1987-2004), author of A Familiar Road and publisher/Editor-in-Chief of The Examiner newspaper. Mr. Jason has several years of experience in major Nigerian newspapers as well as international publications.

 

 

 

THE INTERVIEW

 

Q. Your Excellency, you are arguably one of Nigeria’s most experienced elder statesmen. You have been a military Governor, a Minister, a General Officer Commanding, and a former Head of State.

Muhammadu Buhari in Full Dictator's Uniform

Gen. Muhammadu Buhari in Military Dress Uniform

And recently, you contested an election for the presidency of this country. What would you put your finger on as the problem with Nigeria?

 

A. I will most sincerely say education. I think education will unchain our people from all their prejudices, whether it is ethnic, religious or whatever. And here, unusually, I have to place the blame squarely on the shoulders of the elite. It is not the number of degrees each ethnic group holds that matter, although that matters; what does is continuous education in politics, the economy and security. It is amazing how groups are hijacked and held hostage by incompetent leadership in Nigerian communities, not allowing them to make dispassionate choices of representation and leadership. And really, ignorance is costing us so much in terms of development and the tension it creates. Of recent, I have been targeting the elite and its conscience. Let the elite wake up, go back to various constituencies and, directly or indirectly, continue to educate our people. Once there is an educated majority of Nigerians, I believe there is a certain level of standards they will not accept under any arrangement. But when people are allowed to wallow in ignorance, even concerning their immediate environment, they cannot be productive.

 

Q. You said you have been targeting the elite. What has been the kind of response you are getting from them?

 

A. I don’t think anybody has disagreed with me publicly. But I think that inherent selfishness – and I am part of the elite – seems to have prevented this group from reflecting on my critiques, which I have aired several times, some of it published.  We need people invested in going back to their various communities to organize and continuously educate the majority, in order to relieve them of the weight of ignorance and misunderstanding concerning their communities, and the serious consequences of a lack of national cohesion.

 

Q. There are people who would put the problem squarely on the laps of the leadership of this country. But why should we have such a problem of leadership with the quality of manpower we have in this country, most of who can hold their own elsewhere in the world?

 

A. Yes, I think that question has been answered largely by what we have just discussed. If the elite would make the necessary sacrifice and educate the people, then credible leadership will emerge at all levels. There are some members of the elite that are really concerned about the state of the nation, but would rather not go public with their efforts. They would rather try to create education, industrial, or whichever funds, and give other people to manage it.  But that is simply not enough! It is a good starting point, I will allow, but it is not good enough. This must be a grand, national effort that sits squarely on the shoulders of the elite. The elite historically make or mar a nation. In China, the success of the revolution of Mao Ze Dung lay in its military elite.

 

Q. This ignorance you are talking about seems to favour the political elite exploiting it. Do you think the elite will be keen to commit what might amount to class suicide by educating the ignorant masses?

 

A. I tend to believe that sooner or later, the masses will bypass them, in any case.

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This is because the suffering in the nation is becoming intolerable. I will give you an example from my experience, since I became involved in partisan politics. My observation is this -- from 1914, when the North and South were amalgamated, till date,
Nigeria has never realized as much resources as in the past six years. But there was poverty across the country—from Badagry to Maiduguri, from Oyo to Sokoto, and from Gongola to Port Harcourt—as is the present situation! I know of the 1952-53 famine, and the extreme drought of 1973 -- like what was recently experienced in Niger Republic. But even that was confined to mostly northern Kaduna to northern Kano and upwards. Even so, across the country, there are so many resources; yet there is so much poverty!

 

This is happening for the first time since 1914! And I challenge people to research the number of industries that have collapsed since then; the level of unemployment and insecurity! And there is not a single town in Nigeria, including the capital, Abuja, where there is adequate potable water. With all the talk about the money we possess as a nation, and which we read about in the newspapers – what has the cost of crude petroleum and our production capacity proven?! I mean, something is very, very wrong with our leadership! Imagine the lack of capacity! Why does the leadership not recognize that it needs to deliberate and draw up a plan to resuscitate the infrastructure and improve it, support the industries to provide jobs, and organize security agencies to provide Nigerians the security to work 24 hours a day? No! I think the leadership is a total failure!

 

Q. One of the things that seem to create this malaise is corruption. When you came to office, almost 22 years ago, you launched a nation-wide crusade -- War Against Indiscipline. Everyone, from the local government to the national level, embraced it. Today we are back with an anti-corruption crusade. Would you not say that the intervening 22 years was a total loss to Nigeria?

 

A. I think it was. My administration launched the War Against Indiscipline, because it was very much involved and concerned about our country. We recognized that the major problem in Nigeria was to do with basic indiscipline. If people would only accept whichever level they happened to be, and work hard to improve it, we will be much better off. I recall discussing this situation with my number two, the late Tunde Idiagbon, and pointing out the example of the 1973-74 Lockheed scandal, as a result of which governments fell like rotten fruits across the world, because of the corruption of the leadership in so many countries, including Japan. But in Nigeria, up until my time, nothing had been done concerning indiscipline.

In Japan, one could see that its GDP had gone up. That means that discipline can even accommodate some measure of isolated cases of corruption! But where a society is undisciplined in large measure, everything goes wrong. And this is the problem with Nigeria, at least one of its major problems! Unless we are disciplined, we can’t make any progress. And discipline means accountability; it means working hard, accepting your status in life and in society, and working very hard to improve it. Not an assumption that one can become this and that without working for it!

 

Q. Nigerians seem to be divided about the effectiveness of the anti-corruption crusade.  Is the war making any impact on corruption?

 

A. It is. It has great impact, because some of the untouchables have been touched. When you read about the former Inspector General of Police, Tafa Balogun, being handcuffed and publicly brought to court, it sends a very important message. But I remain skeptical for one significant reason. It is assumed that Nigeria owes the Paris Club and other international financial institutions, US$ 35 billion. But a statement made by a former Minister of Finance in Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, revealed that the original money Nigeria actually owes is US$ 17 billion. We paid back US$ 22 billion, and we still owe US$ 35 billion! What kind of arithmetic is this? The country deserves open and clear clarification of our accounts!

 

Q. Compound interest perhaps?! (General laughter).

A. Well! Maybe you are a mathematician! I have never been one! But you see -- it is so irritating! These people hypocritically go around sending us relief materials where there are disasters in parts of Africa. And they don’t have the conscience to admit that they are ruining us. Now I expected Chief Obasanjo, with all the running around he is doing in the world, to have taken this up, and tried to prick the conscience of the Europeans and Americans as to how their systems are damaging us. There was a conference in Sudan in 1987, between IMF/World Bank and its stakeholders, and it was uncovered that more money was being invested the North, referred to as the developed world, than to the South, in terms of repatriation of so-called debts. So these organizations are consistently ruining us! Again, some of the policies of the World Trade Organization, WTO, are damaging to this country by not allowing our industries to survive. They are destroying our industries!

Where a country like Nigeria has the capacity to produce foreign exchange as a result of its oil wealth, or where the industry is, say, tourism like in East Africa, development is arrested by the albatross of debt. These countries keep on spending their foreign exchange on servicing debt. And when there is improper infrastructure, and a lack of relatively cheap electric power to sustain the country’s industry, basic goods like spare parts cannot be manufactured, and there is no reasonable means of communication. How then can we compete with Asia, Europe and America? And why should we be forced to participate on the same level? So what I am saying is that Obasanjo could have gone round, and pricked the conscience of these people, and he has not.

 

There is information from one of the United Nation’s Agencies that Nigerians have over N100 billion in various banks in the country! It has also been discovered that certain individuals have taken between US$ 107 and US$ 170 billion outside the country! Obasanjo should appeal to the countries harboring such monies, because they are aware of its existence. Every single kobo brought into their country, they know about and can account for. These countries should take their US$ 35 billion from such monies, and repatriate the rest to Nigeria. We don’t even want any pardon! Let them send the balance back here, and let the Nigerians who deposited it  come and claim their money, and explain how they got it out of this country in the first place, and why! So -- if there is any seriousness, we will expect to witness that kind of dedication and then I will be convinced that this government is fighting corruption!

 

Q. Another thing is the economic reform. Many people have criticized it as heavily tilting towards IMF/World Bank dictates. If you had won the election, how differently would you have reformed the economy?

 

A. Firstly, I myself, to be frank, have been pained by some of the contradictions in the policies of these foreign institutions on economic reforms. The first contradiction is this: how can we sell, for example, the Nigerian Airways, with all its assets, landed property, hangers, aircraft, whether flying or not; all the infrastructure that the country built over a generation, say for US$ 10 billion, and then sell it for one billion dollars? That’s my first observation. But then, paradoxically, again, I like reform.

 

I see how efficient private companies are, how people work themselves to death to make a profit, and to be competitive in terms of good services, compared to the lackadaisical attitude of public company operators. But my approach ought to be really different, because it is the Nigerian elite that worked in public companies that destroyed the Nigerian Airways, the Nigerian Railways, the Nigerian National Shipping Lines -- you name it; everything that we used the ‘Seventies oil boom to build, the Nigerian elite has corruptly killed! But I think we have a solution, because the majority of Nigerians are good citizens. And they value their personal security. If we can employ good managers, and give them the power to hire and fire, I can assure you they will perform satisfactorily.

 

Q. The other thing that pertains to leadership is this controversy over immunity for people in certain public offices, and its effect on the anti-corruption crusade. Do you think the immunity clause militates against the anti-corruption crusade?

 

A. I think it did up to the point when (Tafa) Balogun (Nigeria’s former Police Inspector General) was arrested, or up to the point certain ministers, including the late Sunday Afolabi, were arrested. They were even made a show of, when there was a Commonwealth meeting going on here, handcuffed in front of world leaders just to give an impression that corruption was being fought. But a lot more ought to have been done since then. One should not allow things to get to that pathetic level before one acts, in order to impress the world that corruption is being fought. Okay. I am all for anti-corruption. But it has to be more fundamental in the sense that in the government system, whether in the ministry or corporations, there has to be checks and balances. Those checks and balances should be properly resuscitated and given the constitutional teeth to function; not just that one person is ordered to be arrested, yet another is not, depending on political consideration or whatever. This is the suspicion of some members of the public.

 

Q. Your Excellency, the issue of immunity seems to be what removes ‘that will to perform’ as it concerns certain public officers. We have recent examples. If one Governor were not arrested in far away London, he would not be standing trial. One is still sitting here as a Governor by the grace of immunity. That is an embarrassment.

 

A. It is, indeed, an embarrassment to the system that we are trying to copy. How did

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the other one escape? Again, I saw in the paper that he escaped through fraud! He somehow bought a Ghanaian passport, flew to
Ghana, and then drove to Nigeria. But the British Police learnt a lesson from that; they did not allow Alamieyeseigha the same liberty. But this immunity thing -- those who drafted the constitution, I think they had their reason for agreeing to put in an immunity clause. They thought -- knowing Nigerians to be very legalistic in a way -- that they might keep on harassing the executives, yet nothing would get done. I suspect they did it in good faith, but unfortunately, as you can be sure of Nigerians, they can turn things upside down any time. (Less than 72 hours after this interview, DSP Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa state escaped from custody in London, and returned to Nigeria in the early hours of Monday 21 November, 2005)

 

Q. I would like to go back to the issue of religious prejudice that you raised earlier in our discussion. It seems that since Nigeria’s independence, religious and ethnic prejudices have played sinister roles, especially, in our choice of leadership. How can we contain these two vices?

 

A. Again, as I told you, education is the solution. But it has to be education plus! It means education plus experience. There are people who are leaders at various levels. If a person has served as a minister, or an army officer, or a police officer, or say an engineer in ministry of works, his job takes him all over the country, across religions and ethnic groups. And when people say they want good leadership, they can very easily conduct a survey to find out how such a man has been behaving. In his area of work, did the man allow Nigerians, irrespective of religion and ethnicity, to perform and be paid for their performance, or did he show undue favouritism for his own ethnic group or religion? Moreover, not that many people actually want to be president; so their past can easily be monitored. That is where experience comes in. But with those who have never been tested, you will just be taking a risk!

 

Q. I would like to take you back to a statement you made when you became Head of State in 1984. You said the military was not only protectors, but also promoters of our national interest. A few people thought that the statement meant that the era of military intervention in Nigeria’s politics had come to stay. What did you mean by that rather adamant statement?

 

A. You see, we have to accept that we are a developing country. And the disappointment of Nigerians is caused by the elite! The elite again! Most of the people of my generation and before have been very well educated. The education institutions here were first class, whether it was the University