Professor Nnaemeka Ikpeze
Professor Nnaemeka Ikpeze was educated at the University of Ibadan, University
of Nigeria,
and Columbia University,
New York, USA. He is a Professor of Economics
at the University
of Nigeria,
Nsukka, and the Dean of the School of General Studies. Professor Ikpeze has rendered professional and public service in a variety of capacities:
- Council Member of the Nigerian Economic Society
- Member Board of Economists of the Nigerian Council for Advanced Social
Science, (CASS).
- Consultant to the National Manpower Board on Labour Market data collection
and analysis.
He recently led the Nigeria Study Team on the Political Economy of the
Policy Process, Policy Choice and Implementation, and headed a Central Bank of Nigeria - University of Nigeria
Collaborative Research Team on Investment Opportunities and Potentials for Small and Medium Scale Enterprises in Nigeria.
Nduka
Otiono
Nduka Otiono is an award-winning writer, General Secretary, Association
of Nigerian Authors; an associate lecturer, English Department, University of Ibadan;
a journalist and a freelance publisher; and an active member of the National Committee on UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural
heritage.
THE AFRICAN CONUNDRUM
As
an historian, do you subscribe to the view that sustainable progress in Africa is impossible without accounting for the repressive aspects of its history: the slave trade, colonialism,
neo-colonialism and racism?
You cannot
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Col. Ojukwu in 1967
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know where you are going or coming from, if you’ve no sense of
history…no sense of direction. I find the peculiarity of our experience very accidental, indeed. We are not backward
because of whom we are; the tendency, I believe, is to subscribe to that view. I shall give you an instance. If
one allows that we can only be the product of our history then we shall continue to dwell on as well as in that history. Once people have reasoned beyond their histories, no matter
how unfortunate… What I think we should be trying to do, at this point, is leave behind the confinement of slavery,
repression of any kind; live beyond it, as we indeed have! All the terms -- colonialism, imperialism; all these
are vicissitudes of life. But really, we should always attempt to surmount those could-be obstacles.
Now, we know that slavery ended some 200 years ago. Are we maintaining that we are permanently crippled
by slavery, unable to accomplish anything, because of an event that occurred in our past? There is no justification; you can show why you are late
in arriving, not why you are not on the job!!!
THE TROUBLE WITH NIGERIA
Which
of these factors, in your view, constitutes the greatest danger surrounding Nigerian politics? A defective government
structure, a muddled inseparable constitution, or a corrupt, visionless leadership?
You could just simplify the question. Once you’ve factored corruption into the equation, you have
your culprit! How does one describe it? Corruption is visionless, the very worst thing. We must be determined to
uproot it. I say this, because, sadly, I have to accept that I haven’t seen an incorruptible polity anywhere in
the world; so it’s a question of reduction.
Corruption eats into everything, destroys everything. It destroys vision, hope,
and preserves nothing.
THE ANAMBRA CRISIS
If
corruption destroys everything then what about godfatherism…especially
in
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Chris Ngige and Chris Ubah (Godson/Godfather Pair)
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your own home state, Anambra?
Well, you cannot sidestep the fact that godfatherism is corruption. I don’t see any difference. Get me a dictionary
of political thought and behind that word is corruption.
What are your feelings about the recent events
in Anambra State?
You are persistent, aren’t you? (LAUGHTER)
We will not be forgiven if we do not ask such
a crucial question!
Well…there is no real problem in Anambra. The problem I find in it -- that I tell fellow Nigerians
-- is that for some unknown reasons, non-indigenous leaders and rulers have found it necessary to vest political
authority on certain indigenes of Anambra State
lacking political address (LAUGHTER). People who have no experience, an incredible lack of knowledge; people whose
most recent address was in prison or some such place; and, of all places, Anambra – a state teeming with intellectuals!
And then, unforgivably, the intellectuals are subordinated to these people without address. That is simply a case
of government going to the dogs. What you see in Anambra State
is a reflection of what people with vested interest produce: chaos – that’s what they have done. The situation
in Anambra raises the issue of political will.
LEADERSHIP, CORRUPTION AND THE NIGERIAN ELITE
In
a sense, this is analogous to the larger situation in the country where you have individuals who, on their own,
exhibit excellence; tragically, however, Nigerians collectively seem unable to accomplish much that is of great
merit...
The problem with Nigeria is one of ethnicity. Somehow,
if we can solve that problem… if the various ethnic groups are made comfortable in Nigeria, there will be less tension.
And it seems to me that this is the reason why no graduate has ever led Nigeria. Clearly, whoever leads the
country becomes the apex of whatever ethnic group, interest, he represents. This is the only way, then, that these
leaders may excel in a country where a great many are graduates of often great intelligence. This is their only
chance to subordinate; this matters a great deal to such leaders.
Is this not partly the result of the failure of the elite to which you belong? We imagine the elite
as a constituency – perhaps, in the same way we may view the military and other groups?
No,
no, no; but let us talk about the so-called elite. You cannot have a class of elites at the national level when there is no nation to speak of; that’s the genesis of our problem. What we actually have is a show of elitism; pseudo-elites,
pseudo-intellectuals, pseudo- this and that…to a great extent. Once we, indeed, build a nation, there will be proper
national elite, and they will come into their role, which is leadership.
Your political tenets in the book, Because
I am Involved, include statements like: “Sovereignty and power belong to the
people (p.53)” and “Leadership is the true vocation of elitism (p.146).” Some might see this as evocative of incongruence
in your vision of functional politics; would you please explain to us this structural and ideological paradigm?
I would like an example of the conflict you refer to; I, actually, don’t see that there is one.
Well,
we refer to your addressing the question of the elite and the sovereignty of the people…you have tried to explain
that ethnic tensions have largely made it difficult to have a broad elite, a national elite structure in Nigeria. But when one talks about
sovereignty and power, and, on the other hand, the true vocation of elitism, there seems to be conflict between
the people and a privileged class?
No; it’s a necessary part of the people.
Even in terms of the interests each group represent?
The interests that the elite serve is that of leadership and guidance; that is its vocation
in the national structure, and there is no organization, ethnic group that does not develop an elite class for
that purpose. One of the things that became very apparent in communism is that, in every state, the party created
a political class of elites… And it could not escape doing so, because, actually, the market cannot lead a nation.
Power belongs to the people, but to be able to use that power properly, an elite group evolves that devotes its
time to helping out, leading, and creating a vision…
In other words, elitism is not a dirty word per se?
No,
certainly not. It is, in fact, one of the most envied positions in every organisation in society.
We
have been talking about the burden of corruption, and as Prof Ikpeze had indicated earlier, this project is aimed
at articulating a problem solving dialogue.
On the issue of corruption, Transparency International has rated Nigeria very
poorly, what in your opinion do you believe should be done to arrest this blight on the nation?
I really do not think we are serious about arresting the scourge of corruption.
No?
In spite of the exploits of EFCC (Economic and Financial Crimes Commission) and ICPC (Independent Corrupt Practices
Commission)?
Corruption continues to stare us in the face, and we turn away from it; yet you mention EFCC…or
what?!
But let us not forget the case of Tafa Balogun,
the
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Tafa Balogun in handcuffs
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Inspector-General of Police…
Is he the only corrupt policeman in the nation?
And Dariye, the governor of Plateau State?
Is
he the only politician ever to be accused of corruption?
There are some other recent examples like Prof. Osuji and Chief Wabara; but we see where you are
going with this…So what systemic approach do you suggest?
We must, as a people, learn to ask questions and in the process end up with the right questions.
Someone is accused of being corrupt; yet we permit him absolute freedom to benefit from the proceeds of corruption?
That means there’s no deterrence?
Of course, not!!! Listen; my attitude is this -- basically, many Nigerians are corrupt in their
search for luxury and for privilege…yet when I observe someone building a mansion of marble, his or her lavish
lifestyle, and I do not readily see any reasonable sources of income; should not the first thing to come to my
mind, be the question: How did you make, how are you making your money?
“Oga…how come, now?”
You can then say to me: “Foolish man, haven’t you heard about that tree in my garden?”
“What tree?”
“Ah, that special tree, that juju tree.
All the leaves are N500 notes.” (LAUGHTER)
But, we never ask that. We
must all understand
that asking that question is no accusation. Asking such a question is purely
seeking enlightenment.
Your reply should not be to then accuse him of being corrupt; what you do first is say to him:
“Ahh…come show me the tree.” When you get there, if indeed you see the tree, and the leaves are
all N500 notes, you can then make sure that nobody is listening before begging him: “Please give me a seed, now…”
There is nothing wrong in that; you have done nothing wrong. But if you get to his house, and there
is no such tree, you should be strong enough to accuse him, publicly, of a corrupt means of livelihood. Because
obviously, there is some other method of getting money that he is reluctant to reveal, and that is where you exercise
moral judgment.
Why should we be afraid to ask him, can I see your tax returns for last year? And so on. Every American is afraid
of the IRS, because it can land on anyone’s doorstep, at any time…and the experience can send you straight to jail. The IRS examines someone’s
lifestyle then asks the person to explain his or her source of income. Why can’t
we do this in Nigeria?
If we are really keen on cutting down on corruption, we can. Nigeria, today, is mired in corruption. We know people of varied investments, we do. Why don’t we question
these over the top investments? But we don’t. And
yet we say we set up this, we set up that…we are fighting corruption. We are not. There are people whose backgrounds we know, their antecedents; we know what jobs they’ve pursued
the whole of their lives, certainly the resources they manage, and which bear no relationship to what is obvious. So why don’t we ask the necessary questions? This is serious
business.
These are the issues we are tackling
here.
THE
MILITARY AND POLITICS
Would
you describe the incursion of the army into politics as part of the intractable political problems of Nigeria?
I have never agreed with the army going into politics. And you know that coming from a very prominent
member of the first military government of Nigeria, this is very serious. It’s unfortunate; this situation destroyed the army, and
destroyed Nigeria as well. What we are trying to do, I hope, all of us -- is to create a Nigeria where the military will not
need to step into politics again, never again.
If
you have the opportunity, would you define the role of the army in Nigeria power structure, and a strategy for
putting the genie back in the bottle and keeping it there forever?
The first duty of the army is to protect the sovereignty… Those who did that before us, had this
to say -- that once that power is used against civil authority, it becomes ruthless; the only answer is the total
disbandment of that body of armed forces. The problem of Nigeria is this constant attempt to patch up. The term ‘Nigerian army’ should have
been dispensed with a long time ago.
And what would happen to the country’s security?
Reconstituted…it would be reconstituted. I was part of the little team that was sent to hold Tanzania
together when the army mutinied. Yes, I was part of the contingent. So there are pertinent roles for the armed
forces. All we need is the political will. The problem lies in trying to patch things up…find a different role,
build up an entirely new force; we shouldn’t try to patch anything up. That has been the problem of Nigeria.
Sort of putting old wine in new bottles?
Oh
yes.
ON
ABACHA
There
is the criticism of your relationship with the late dictator, Sani Abacha; do you reflect on that with any fondness?
No…but I liked and understood Sani Abacha. I also discovered that most people are cowards. A lot of people never
made up their minds about Sani Abacha; they simply reflected the likes and dislikes of other people. He is someone I had interesting
discussions with. I have often been told that I am that man every Nigerian officer loves and admires… You see,
even though he was a dictator, Abacha addressed me with the utmost respect. To the end, he respected me…and he
asked me a great many questions, some of which were personal…even down to politics. I was never his adviser, no;
but he showed great trust in my judgment. You understand that we are from two different sides, but…I certainly
prefer him to a number of wishy-washy people we have in Aso Rock now.
ETHNICITY,
ETHNIC RIVALRY AND POLITICS
Ndigbo
have contributed maximally to the development and building of the Nigerian nation; why have other hegemonic ethnic
nationalities been reluctant to allow Ndigbo access to power at the centre.
Well, if you understand human nature, there’s nothing people are more suspicious of than success. When one is successful,
what one generates is jealousy, even within one’s own family. So we should not be surprised by that. If one is beaten down
on all sides, yet continues to make great success, people fear that they will become slaves once such a person
takes on leadership. It is easier simply to hold one down. You should know this, actually, that if you lock people
up in a room, and tell them to choose a leader, invariably, the man who will emerge is the weak one…
Because?
He’s the least threatening to them…
And the strong ones will be busy fighting one another, seeking dominance?
Yes all our neighbors are afraid of us…I was in Sokoto
[a couple of months ago] speaking to a gentleman who was part of the planning committee for their bicentenary celebration.
I told this man… “Oh wonderful; congratulations…the records are there, for while you are celebrating a bicentenary,
we are going to invite you and the whole of Nigeria and the world for our millennial celebration. We’ve been here
for more than a thousand years; at least the artifacts that come from Igbo Ukwu say so.” And that ended the conversation.
The
poem cited in Because I am Involved talks about no man being an island. But a recurring controversy, as it were, concerns the Igbo
around the issue of the Nigerian civil war; her relationship with her neighbours? Could you comment on this?
I have studied the Igbo, and I have found that an Igbo man is really two men in one. There is the
inner Igbo, which is guarded jealously. He alone knows the truth about himself. He is his own authority. He subscribes
to this, and that is it. He does not want you to know this; in fact he resents your discovering this. The Igbo
man, if he knows that you know certain things about him, becomes angry; not because he hates you, no; he becomes
angry, because he feels he has been denuded of his essence. (LAUGHTER) Basically, he examines every situation he
finds himself in then tries to blend into the situation. What he doesn’t want actually is to stick out ...Everywhere
in the world you’ll find him. The thing that is unique about the Igbo man is that he blends into any society he
lives in.
As a matter of fact, when I was traveling to begin my national
youth service, my father told me that if I did not find an Igbo trader wherever I was posted, I should leave the
place, because it meant that it was inhospitable to human beings. (LAUGHTER) Are you implying that?
That is true…he is right. When you see an Igbo man he must be a hard worker. What I know of the
Igbo man, too, is that wherever he is -- like a man I used to know who lived in Alaska -- he still maintains he
is a ‘Chief,’ but is married to two Eskimos and has fully adapted to their values. All the way... That is essentially
an Igbo man. Once you like to blend in, you are known for something…and what is that? Enterprise. In Brazil, descendants of the Yoruba nation maintain their values, speak Yoruba, worship Sango – which is
a very good thing in itself. But the Ndigbo? Your fellow Igbo will call you quietly, and tell you, “biko a laputa kwan anyi” (Please, don’t betray us). Because that
is the thing; don’t focus attention on us. We want to do whatever we want to do quietly. I say to people, it’s
not accidental that the greatest beast in our mythology is the tortoise (mbe). It doesn’t matter how you get there, the important thing is that you do get there. The thing
about the tortoise is that he measures success, no matter what, with patience. The Igbo man is confident that he
will get there, and will get there before you. For good or bad, that is Ndigbo.
How
has this profile you outlined affected the political prospects of Ndigbo in Nigeria of today?
One thing I note, because of my own position, is the struggle between the inner Igbo and the public
Igbo. There are many Igbo who feel it is wrong to proclaim your Igbo ethnicity, because it might attract enemies.
And this affects our politics. Today, for example, a lot of people still wonder… Ojukwu, right; he’s gone round
and round and he’s still succeeding. The very, very good Igbo would do anything, make any sacrifice to the Igbo
cause, but they don’t think it should be proclaimed. In refusing proclamation, then,
they don’t understand how, to that extent, they have abdicated their leadership
rights, because the people you are leading need to see you out there, proclaiming it. We have a great deal in us,
and I am very proud of…in fact, there is nothing I love more than provoking somebody to say, “I am an Igbo.” And
I say, “No, I’m not. I am the veritable Igbogboligbo!”
What does that mean? You wouldn’t know. We won’t tell you that, but that remains the core of the Igbo man. They are a
few of us like that. You should see the look of my Yoruba peers when I say that (LAUGHTER). My Hausa friends are
not so shocked. The word might be more difficult for them to pronounce, but they seem instinctively to know where
one is going.
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