About Professor V.C. Ike
Professor Vincent Chukwuemeka Ike
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Prof. Chinua Achebe
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Prof. Vincent Chukwuemeka Ike
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is one of Africa’s leading writers and intellectuals.
He was born in eastern Nigeria and educated at the University of Ibadan, and at Stanford University in the USA. As an educator, Ike has contributed to the intellectual
and cultural development of Africa in important administrative positions at Nigerian
universities and at UNESCO, and as a professor at the University
of Jos. His novels include Toads for Supper
(1965), which is set in a university and deals with love and the inherent problems that married couples from different
ethnic backgrounds encounter; The
Naked Gods (1970), also set
in a university, which highlights the corrupt practices in the appointment of a new vice-chancellor at Songhai
University; and Expo '77 (1980), in which secondary school students trying
to gain admission to the university cheat in examinations. More recently, Our Children Are Coming
(1990) deals with the problem of youth unrest and student revolt in colleges and universities in Nigeria. Reacting to commissions of inquiry that exclude them,
the students set up a counter investigation of their own. The Search (1991)
is the story of the feverish patriotism of a detribalized intellectual, Ola, and his search for Nigerian unity.
Ike's prose style encompasses dialogue, wit, and satire,
which he employs to castigate corruption and the quest for inordinate power. The novels transcend historical, sociological,
and political documentation and achieve comedy, tragedy, irony, and metaphor. He has also written How to Become a Published Writer (1991) and several other novels, short stories and
articles.”
A versatile intellect, Professor V.C.
Ike’s name at a point was also synonymous with West African Examination [WAEC] where he was Registrar for many
years. But he also made history as the youngest indigenous Registrar of University of Nigeria Nsukka, a position
he occupied at the age of 31. Ike currently runs the Nigerian Book Foundation, a non-governmental organization that promotes book availability and reading culture.
Professor V.C. Ike is married to Professor
Bimpe Ike with whom he has a son Prince Osita Ike, a marketing executive, and two grand children.
Professor OSMond Enekwe
Professor (Ossie) Enekwe is a Nigerian poet, fiction writer, and playwright, and
a graduate of the University of Nigeria and Columbia University, where he was a fellow in the Writing Division (1972-4). He is currently a professor
of theatre at the University of Nigeria where he was also a Director of the Institute of African
Studies. For over a decade, he has served as Editor of Okike - An African Journal of New Writing. His published work includes Broken Pots (1977), poems, Come Thunder (1984), a novel, Igbo Masks (1987), non-fiction, The Betrayal (1989), a one-act play, and The Last Battle and Other Stories (1996).
Uduma Kalu
Uduma Kalu holds a BA in English from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, as well as an MA, also in English, from the
University of Ibadan. Winner of the University
of Nigeria First Prize for Poetry, amongst others, Kalu's poems and stories have appeared in anthologies like 25 New Nigerian Poets (Ed. Toyin Adewale-Gabriel), Trembling Leaves
(Ed. Bunmi Oyinsan), A Volcano
of Voices (Ed. Steve Shaba)
and the ANA Review. He currently works at The
Guardian Newspapers, Lagos, Nigeria.
Alvan Ewuzie
Alvan Ewuzie is a media consultant, who
began his journalism career nearly 20 years ago as a freelance writer with the Nigerian Statesman. He subsequently became an editor in the Champion Newspapers organization where he made his mark as a literary critic and writer. He edited the weekend title
and is now its deputy General manager.
THE INTERVIEW
There has been a series of political assassinations in Nigeria’s recent history. Putting on your prognosticator spectacles,
what do you envision for Nigeria in 2007?
I shudder for Nigeria…Consider the wide ranging problem areas expected to impact on the 2007 elections:
- insecurity
of life and property, with assassinations and attempted assassinations of potential candidates for the 2007 elections
already spreading in 2006;
- the
controversies around some Nigerians who have already proclaimed their presidential ambitions, e.g. former Military
President, Ibrahim Babangida;
- the
unpredictability of the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC);
- the
use of unconstitutional back – door methods (e.g. third term bid, and interim national government) to assume control
of the Federal Government;
- the
selective use of Federal Government agencies (e.g. the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the Independent
Corrupt Practices Commission, and the Nigerian Armed Forces) to settle political scores and predetermine the results
of the polls;
- the
ever present divisive issues of religion and ethnicity, ready to be exploited as and when necessary;
- low
level of public enlightenment and public morality.
- the
issue of rotational presidency: which of the six geopolitical zones (or simply whether the North or the South)
should be allowed the privilege of fielding candidates for the presidential election;
I shudder to take a look at Nigeria in 2007, but I am confident, as a Christian, that our Almighty Father who saved us from Sanni Abacha
will pilot us through 2007.
What do you think about the perennial chaos in Anambra State and the recent crisis in Onitsha
involving MASSOB, NARTO, and the State?
The crisis in Onitsha
involving MASSOB, NARTO,
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Professor Vincent Chukwuemeka Ike and Professor (Mrs) Bimpe Ike
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and the State is one
manifestation of the deteriorating situation in the Nigerian society in general.
The leadership of MASSOB has issued public statements dissociating MASSOB from the breakdown of
law and order in Onitsha. The statements
made it clear that the violence unleashed at Onitsha was contrary to the philosophy of non- violence
which informed the actions of MASSOB, and considered attempts to describe perpetrators of violence at Onitsha with
MASSOB as an attempt by MASSOB detractors, especially Federal Government agencies, to give the dog a bad name so
as to hang it.
These statements further acknowledge
the possibility of miscreants parading as members of MASSOB.
The leadership of NARTO has also dissociated NARTO from the violence at Onitsha. In the light of the denunciations of the violence by MASSOB and NARTO leadership, how come the
crisis?
The crisis in Onitsha
is one manifestation of the deteriorating situation in the
Nigerian situation. Ironically, in the face of the unprecedented windfall from the international crude oil market,
most Nigerians (apart from holders of top political office, their cronies, and leaders of the private sector) are
wallowing in abject poverty. Much more
concerned with sprouting beautiful external feathers than with the internal wholesomeness of its citizens, the
Federal Government has placed the liquidation OVERNIGHT of longstanding FOREIGN debts and accumulation of record
FOREIGN reserves above lifting Nigerians out of the debilitating poverty precipitated by its economic reform agenda. The prevalence of gripping poverty waters the ground for politicians and power brokers with access
to “limitless” financial resources intent on calling the shots in Anambra State.
There is also the escalating unemployment situation. Nigeria is experiencing an unprecedented explosion in primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions. Unfortunately, the curricula of these institutions are irrelevant to the key problems facing both
the individual and the society – the problem of survival in the 21st Century. Products of the educational system consequently roam the streets unemployed and lacking the skills
and the orientation for self – employment.
The growing army of unemployed and disgruntled products of the educational system provides cannon
fodder for people with excess wealth and dishonourable intentions. Pay the hungry,
angry, and idle youth a sum of money, and they will burn down private, commercial or police buildings and vehicles,
and even kill, as directed by their financiers. The boy-child
school drop out syndrome which has caused considerable alarm among Ndigbo is traceable to the irrelevance of the
educational experience to the problem of survival of the individual and the society.
The third underlying factor in the Onitsha
crisis is the struggle for the control of the Anambra
State machinery of government. From 2003
to 2006, it was a tussle between Governor Ngige and his so-called political god-father, Chris Uba who had the full backing of the Presidency and the
People’s Democratic Party to which both of them belonged.
The victory of Peter Obi (of the
United Progressive Grand Alliance), after nearly three years at the election tribunal, swept BOTH combatants off
the arena.
The shameful attempt by the Independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC) to discredit the entire electoral process (which it had earlier extolled)
and call for fresh elections did not succeed. The Onitsha
crisis is seen as an attempt to use jobless, cash strapped young people (posing as members of MASSOB and NARTO)
to unleash violence and provide justification for the Presidency to declare a state of emergency throughout Anambra
State – a move which would restore the stranglehold of one of the ousted combatants on Anambra State.
It is also seen as an attempt to make Anambra
State ungovernable, thereby discrediting Governor Obi and
stopping him from governing beyond May 2007. This would
set the scene for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the ousted godfather to recapture Anambra State thereafter.
A further underlying factor is the decision of the Anambra State Government to assume full control
of the markets and motor parks and plug all avenues for leakage of state revenue. The persons
and groups which had hitherto misappropriated funds accruing from these revenue sources have stiffly resisted the
decision.
Reference was made earlier to the denunciation of the violence at Onitsha by MASSOB leadership. What I have
not yet heard is a denunciation of the accusation that MASSOB is attempting to set up a parallel administration
in Onitsha – attempting to enforce a rent regime on landlords,
enforcing their own sanitation days, choosing what buildings to occupy, and establishing secret cultist bases. Such actions, if established, constitute a threat to the State Government.
Some observers believe that the entire affair could have been handled differently. What is your
opinion?
Considering the reprehensible, one-sided role of both the Presidency and the Nigeria Police in the
Anambra State crisis between 2003 and 2006, the controversial high – handed role of the Armed Forces in quelling
similar violence in Odi and Zakbion, and the widely held view among Ndigbo that Chief Obasanjo continues to have
a grouse against Ndigbo decades after the end of the Nigeria/Biafra War, I questioned the advisability of inviting
the same forces into Anambra State. Was it not
tantamount to openly inviting the enemies of Anambra
State to destroy what remained of the State? There is also
the fact that MASSOB enjoys substantial grassroots support among Ndigbo.
On second thought, I asked myself what alternatives Governor Obi had, with no State Police of his
own, if he did not want to open the door for the declaration of a state of emergency throughout Anambra State, with even more disastrous consequences. The spread of the violence to Nnewi and Ekwulobia, and the recent growth in the incidence of armed
robbery in different parts of the State confirm the urgent need to restore enduring peace to Anambra State.
Assuming that the use of the armed forces is inevitable, it is imperative for Governor Obi to check
their excesses. The recent announcement by the Nigeria Police to transfer over 3,000 Police personnel from Anambra State and replace them with Police drawn from other Police
formations gives a ray of hope for the success of the operation. The transfer,
if transparently effected, provides an opportunity to rid the State of Police officers whose actions over the years had been clearly anti
– Anambra State.
A recent decision by the State Government to pay compensation to innocent persons whose property
is destroyed by the armed forces while carrying out their mission should help to win public confidence. So is the offer to investigate allegations of improper conduct on the part of the troops.
How do you react to the phenomenon of god-fatherism in Nigerian politics, particularly given the
experience of Anambra and Oyo
State?
Nigeria is a country in which political office, particularly
at the level of President of the Republic or State Governor, is seen as a gold mine. The escalation in the world
price of crude oil – Nigeria’s main foreign exchange earner – as well as the emergence of liquefied natural gas as another major
foreign exchange earner reinforces this view point. To become
a President or Governor places the winner in the enviable position in which both the yam and the knife for apportioning
it to beneficiaries are in his hand.
With the dividends that high, the competition becomes cut – throat and the cost of “winning” an
election in a society arid in intellectual sophistication and individual material resources soar to a level affordable
only by persons who became rich as military rulers or through government patronage (including allocation of oil
blocks).
The man of ideas but with modest
means has no chance of “winning” such elections. Conversely,
a rich man transparently bereft of basic education and ideas stands little chance winning election as President
or Governor.
God-fatherism emerged as an
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The Porter's Wheel
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ungodly alliance between the man of ideas, but without the resources to “win” an election, and the man with the
resources to “win” an election, but without the personal qualities to stand as a candidate. Under the alliance, the god-father calls the shots, not the man of ideas who “won” the elections. Through the use of instruments drawn up before hand, the god-father is assured of a regular princely
chunk of the national or state resources to more than recover his investment. The organogram allegedly fashioned
by Chris Uba for Anambra State, as recounted in one television programme, placed the god – father at the apex of the organogram. In effect, the Executive Governor of the State was not the de facto Governor of the State. Rather he was a member of a triumvirate reporting direct to the god-father. Key positions
in the Governor’s cabinet could be filled only on the authority of the god – father, who also had to approve major
contract awards.
Considering the scanty educational
and other credentials of the god – father, it was difficult to imagine what would have become of Anambra State
if the Governor had not jettisoned the agreement, resulting in the attempt to abduct and overthrow him, and replace
him with a more dependable puppet – the Deputy Governor.
God – fatherism hampered the effective take-off of the Mbadinuju Administration in Anambra State, and subjected the state to unimaginable trauma in
the Ngige Administration. A recent
newspaper report of a court judgment requiring the 100 – day old god - fatherless Obi Administration to pay some
=N=210 million to an erstwhile god-father for an irrevocable letter of credit for the construction of the Governor’s
Lodge shows that the State has not seen the end of the evil effects of god – fatherism.
Many Nigerians, particularly Ndi-Anambra, have experienced the evil implications of crude god –fatherism
in Nigerian politics.
A combination of forces is necessary
to save Anambra State and the country from continued traumatization in the hands of ruthless god – fathers, particularly
sustained public education and enlightenment, and drastic revision of the electoral act to eliminate massive rigging. Unfortunately, from all indications, the evil bird is still in evidence and may remain so unless
the Presidency withdraws the arm of the monkey from the soup pot.
The most disturbing fact of god – fatherism, especially in Anambra State, is the involvement of the Presidency in it to the
hilt.
When the god-father informed the
President that he rigged the Anambra State 2003 governorship election, instead of handing him over to law enforcement
agencies, the President merely asked him and his “godson” to get out of his sight! He was subsequently
offered a seat on the BOARD OF TRUSTEES of the President’s political party!!!!
In the aftermath of the “Constitutional Amendment Vote” what’s your view about Obasanjo’s attempt
to force a constitutional amendment that would have extended his tenure?
When Military Head of State, General Olusegun Obsanjo, voluntarily
handed over power to the Shehu Shagari elected government in 1979, he was
internationally eulogized as the first African military dictator who refused to
transform himself into a president – for – life. Cynics assessed
General
Obasanjo’s action differently. They recalled
that the photograph of the
assassinated Hausa Head of State – his erstwhile boss whom he succeeded as Head of State – continued
to be displayed in Government offices long after Obasanjo became Head of State. They saw
Obasanjo’s concessions to the North, and the power he allowed Shehu Yar’Adua, his second – in – command, to wield
as manifestations of his sense of insecurity, his constant nightmare of a Northern – led counter coup. They saw his readiness to hand over power to Shehu Shagari in 1979 as a shrewd move to save his
neck rather than the altruistic action of a military ruler who believed in democracy and the rule of law. The 1979
cynics see Civilian President Chief Obasanjo’s subtle attempt to elongate his tenure through a questionable constitutional
amendment as a vindication of their assessment.
With the background of incarceration under the late Military Head of State General Sanni Abacha,
during which period he claimed he became a born-again Christian, Chief Obsanjo came to power in 1999 as an elected
civilian President with widespread national support. To his credit,
he transformed Nigeria’s international image as a pariah nation. His chairmanship
at one time or the other of the African Union and the Commonwealth of Nations greatly bolstered his personal stature as well as Nigeria’s stature, internationally. The unprecedented
earnings from crude oil placed tremendous resources at his disposal. His establishment of two anti-corruption agencies
portrayed him as an anti-corruption crusader and at the same time, struck fear into political leaders with skeletons
in their cupboards.
With the country firmly in the control of the People’s Democratic Party, his party, and the party
machinery in his grip, Obasanjo began to see himself as Nigeria’s indispensable saviour who must remain in office
indefinitely if Nigeria is not to revert to the status of a pariah, debtor nation. It came as a great relief to
me that what appeared fool proof suddenly collapsed, notwithstanding the trillions of public funds lavished on
it.
Recent speculations about the imposition
of an Interim National Government raise fears that the hat of tricks may not have been exhausted.
Do you think there has been enough citizens’ defense of their civic duties to participate and protect
the democratic process?
Certainly not.
The recent arrest of journalists on sedition charges has outraged many
observers. Do you think this is a ploy to intimidate the press and limit press freedom and freedom of speech?
A. Yes.
Many thinkers believe that Nigeria appears to be in a state of political confusion, in part, because we don’t even understand
the democratic system borrowed from America that we are supposed to be practicing…
Well, look, I listen
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The Naked Gods
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to the radio and hear that this person is special assistant; the other person is senior special assistant to the
president and so on. All kinds of names are given to people. We copied an elegant, but convoluted system without
even understanding the spirit of America, the nation it belongs to. What we are doing in Nigeria is simply finding ways to give jobs
to people hanging around. And there are still ministers, permanent secretaries and directors; but they no longer
work. So much money is spent paying all these people, and at the end of the day, no money is left for essential
services.
I think it is normal for my generation
to think that things were better during their time but frankly, when I was a public servant there were challenges
for me. We emerged from the civil war with the university of Nigeria shattered, even electric wires were ripped off. The late Ukpabi Asika set up a committee,
of which I was appointed chairman, on how to reopen the university. And this was time when there was no money for
anything. When I addressed students at its resumption, I sat on a cement block and they sat on the floor; but we
felt challenged and motivated. In no time at all, the news was all over the place and the number of people seeking
to come and study at Nsukka from other parts of country increased even though we had no facilities at the time.
They knew, though, that these were people who had made things during the war that the black man had previously
not been thought of as capable of making. They wanted to come and study under such people. Again these challenges
were there, the vision was there, the commitment was there, the passion was there, the mission was clear. I don’t
see the same clarity of purpose today.
