DEDICATION:
We dedicate this work to our ancestors that taught
us through their many writings (Nsibiri, Nsibido), and also through the Oral
tradition much about nature and life. You taught us how to love life when you found
it necessary to describe human beings in these words (Mma ndu) beauty of life,
you taught us how to love self, family and community thus leaving us with
Moral, Spiritual, Social & political values steeped in universality of
mankind. These deep values are exemplified when we talk about (Ezi Okwu bu
Ndu), Ofo na Ogu, Egbe belu ugo belu, and Odi behndi. These principles help us
honor our culture and tradition, which in turn ensures stability, growth,
progress and physical/psychological contentment.
We also dedicate this, in memory of those our
people numbering about 5 million who lost their lives either in the battle
fields defending us from a genocidal war forced on us by Nigeria with the collusion of Arabic and Moslem countries
including Britain and USSR within the period 1967-1970. We also remember
those who were bombed in the market places, hospitals and schools. How can we
forget those thousands whose lives were cut short all over the north, western Nigeria and parts of Midwest. Above all we thank our almighty God, Chi Ukwu, (Ama Ama Amasi Amasi)
for profound divine presence, our survival which is one of the miracles of his
actions in the twentieth century despite daily indiscriminate bombing or
the economic blockade imposed on us by the rest of Nigeria and Cameroon. We must also mention some organizations and
countries that stood with us throughout this war of genocide. Mention must be
made of countries like Tanzania, Ivory Coast, Haiti, World Council of Churches, Caritas International,
and some individuals Mr. Fredrick Forsight, Count Von Rossen and some others
who tried to help mankind survive one of the worst moments in the history of
dedication. This list does not represent all the wonderful individuals,
organizations and countries that stood with Biafra in her trying period.
FORWARD
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe your bountiful love for mankind
especially Africa can never be forgotten, We realize that your dream
was denied and plans of better Africa scuttled by both internal forces who hinds sight
being 50/50 would not have agreed to have a union of our groups. Because they
consider you and ndi igbo abhorrent to their cultures. But through the
actualization of Biafra we will ensure that your dream is realized. A true
African society that would show love within and across her borders, creating
peaceful, cooperative societies that would emphasize the moral obligations
among mankind. We must also mention such names as Dr Akanu Ibiam, Dr.
M.I. Okpara, Mazi Mbonu Ojike, Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani, Dr Pius Okigbo, Prof. G.
Ezekwe, Gen. Odumegwu Ojukwu, Gen. Philip Effiong, ........, who
represented the core of Igbo/ Biafran nationalism.
EPILOGUE
The critical study of the philosophies of our Igbo
heritage we believe is a sure path that would lead us to solutions of our
problems no matter how complex they would appear. It is known that even the
study of our history has even become warped. We have suffered enormously from
alienating our selves from the roots and foundations of our noble heritage and
embraced in entirety Greek and Roman history and philosophy even with its
obvious shortcomings and limitations. By doing this we saw the history of Europe as the only worthwhile portion of interest for emulation.
This work is just a tip of the iceberg of what
holds in the rich heritage left us by our ancestors. It is timely that we
reconsider our models after trying without success the European model. A model
that only has been in existence for merely 400 years, whose cracks and failures
are obvious and costly. The futility is obvious in the adept materialistic
nature of this culture evidenced by the unrestrictive nature for the quest for
riches. The gross inhumanity and instability left behind most of the economic
exploits of this culture is shocking and without comparison. At times like
this, one is at a loss as to why the intellectuals of our time compromised the
central nature of our heritage, which is the care and welfare of MANKIND and
clamored for these systems that are really laddened with inhumanity, deep on
corruption and above all a perverted justice system. It is for these obvious
reasons we decided to join with those who believe strongly that most of our
problems have solutions within the ways and philosophies of our ancients.
PREFACE
As we commence to rebuild the Igbo society and the
rest of Biafra devastated after a genocidal war we fought so that
we will not be exterminated it is important we examine our mistakes so that we
can effect the much-needed corrections. We also have witnessed the gradual
dismantling, deformation and defaming of the Igbo institutions and mannerisms;
this is more perfect pathway for the exploitation of our people and our
resources.
What Ndi Igbo need is to draw from the deep well of
knowledge from our ancient authentic civilizations that undoubtedly has existed
for thousands of years and draw from the fresh fertile water of life to nourish
our reconstruction. We must rebuild our nation for eternity and perpetuity. We
must look around us and borrow from the successful models. Every great Jewish
project is enriched by the idea of the classical culture of the Torah,
including the modern state of Israel. The Igbo themselves were an intrinsic part of the
giving of Torah. Thus the oral Torah of the Igbo forms the basis of Igbo
spirituality; the Igbo absolute belief in Chi Ukwu-the Great God- whom we call
Onyenwe, Onyenwe Mmadu-Lord of Lords, Adi We’Adi- from everlasting to
everlasting. Every great European institution is molded in part in the image of
the ancient Greek-Roman civilization, including the United States of America. Every institution in the Moslem world draws from
the classical Islamic civilization of the middle ages, including Iran. Japan and Asia today
developed and carried out this around their rich cultures and traditions.
This leadership series is an effort to uncover
those fundamental social gluons, which served as ever present political
attractors that made the entire society function and progress without a
hegemonic dictatorial structure. Surely we venture to assert that the spiritual
belief of the people thus: Servitude and unalloyed allegiance to God alone
enhanced the thriving of this civilization. This is because a true Igbo
man/woman seeks not to lord it over his/her brethren but to serve them because
they are children of His God. It is therefore our belief that at this critical
moment of our existence in the light that all other systems have failed us, we
must go back to that well of time tested systems for nourishment and answers to
our problems. This becomes necessary for the following reasons:
Firstly, our system is more ancient and has
achieved greater accomplishments than any others. In the second place, our
system influenced, inspired remarkably other later cultures. And thirdly that
remains one of the only untried options available to the people in order to
curb the present prevailing conditions never found in Igbo land. The abscence
of responsible leadership, moral depravity, corruption, social, economic and
political decadence that we find ourselves. The obvious physical and
environmental decay of the society where order, righteousness and
responsibility formed the bedrock of the tradition and culture.
Lastly the series would not have been possible without
members of the Law and order committee of EKWE NCHE Organization.
Synopsis
*Introduction*
This introductory
section places in perspective the sharp contrast between LEADERSHIP as
conceptualized in the golden years of Igbo civilization before the
Biafra-Nigeria war and today (1970-1999). It puts in focus the clear
distinction between the process of electing leaders through a democratic
process as was the case in prewar Igbo Society and the corrupt feudal system of
imposing on the Igbo leaders chosen by the Hausa/Fulani/Yoruba oligarchy. The
consequences of this imposition on accountability, performance, and control of
such leaders are discussed.
*From the
colonial govt into self-govt and independence*
This section discusses
the unwritten CONTRACT between a citizen and the state in which the person
lives. This unwritten contract is supposed to exist between Ndiigbo and the Nigerian State. The contract
stipulates that hard work, skill, talent, achievement and high productivity
will be rewarded while laziness, failure low productivity, lack of achievement
will not be rewarded. This universally accepted code, which forms the core of
Igbo philosophy and world-view has been undermined by Nigeria. Nigeria rewards laziness,
mediocrity, failure, lack of achievement, and low productivity and punishes
skill, intellect, hard work, high achievement, and high productivity.
*Igbo
identity*
This section x-rays the
collective IDENTITY of Ndiigbo. Like a mirror, it reflects back to Ndiigbo who
they really are. It brings together two components of Igbo identity. It blends
how Ndiigbo see themselves with the way the world sees them. It pulls the two
images together to paint a portrait of a clever, hard-working, enterprising,
ambitious, and achievement-oriented people.
*We have been
listening to how other people see and regard Ndiigbo*
This section delves
into the core Igbo existential philosophy that forms the backdrop for Igbo
philosophy of leadership. It examines the complex, delicate balance between
INDIVIDUALISM and COMMUNITARISM as well as how an Igbo child is socialized into
this philosophy of life. It concludes with an analysis of how all these fit
into Igbo social organization from the family through Umunne, Umunna, to Obodo.
*Collective
Leadership*
This section examines
the practice of COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP in Igbo society. Beginning with the
family and extending to the Umunne, Umunna, Ogbe, Ama, Obodo, it examines the
process of electing leaders. It describes in detail the responsibility of the
leader to the group he or she is leading. It describes how the leader derives
his or her power from the group and is accountable to the group. It shows how
the group checks the tendency of leaders to be dictatorial and strike for their
personal interest rather than that of the group. It shows how the group can
quickly take back the power it gave to a leader if the leader abuses that
power. This section shows how the checks and balances in the leadership
structure guarantee that the leader always represents, protects and defends the
interest of the group he or she is representing. This ensures that the
principle of collective leadership is maintained.
*How is
political discussion organized in Igboland?*
This section examines
how POLITICAL ORGANIZATION and DISCUSSION is organized in Igbo society. It
starts at the smallest political group (the family) and goes on to the largest
(autonomous community, Obodo). It examines overall political organization of
Igbo society and captures the federating structure of the associating
autonomous communities or Obodo. This structure emphasizes the significant
measure of autonomy enjoyed by the federating units from Village Assemblies
through Town Unions to Igbo Nation.
*Leadership
question in Igbo society*
This section poses the hard question: who are the
current (1970-1999) LEADERS OF NDIIGBO and how did they become such? It points
out how after the Biafra-Nigeria war, Hausa/Fulani/Yoruba oligarchs subverted
the established system by which Ndiigbo elected their leaders and held them
accountable. It shows how they substituted in its place the corrupt, feudal
system of appointing leaders who were not accountable to the people but owed
their allegiance to the corrupt feudal oligarchs who appointed them. It showed
how the psychology of defeat resulted in the acceptance and even adulation of
these fake leaders. The paper concludes by pointing out that Igbo philosophy,
culture, and society is under siege. It sounds a clarion call for Ndiigbo to
arise, throw off the yoke and be free to organize their society the way they
want.
INTRODUCTION
Since the end of the Biafra-Nigeria war in 1970,
Ndiigbo have been subjected to the most brutal, discriminatory and traumatizing
treatment than any people who lost a war in modern times. That Ndiigbo have
continued to survive individually in the face of this onslaught can be
attributed to the tenacity, ingenuity, creativity, will power, and incredibly
superior work ethic of the individual Igbo man, woman and child. These qualities
have resulted in the survival and even thriving of some individual Igbo men and
women. But have Ndiigbo as a group fared well in Nigeria since the end of the war? Our conclusion is
"NOT AT ALL" We leave you to your own judgment.
Our finding is that leadership has been a major
problem for Ndiigbo since the end of the war. Igbo society rose to its modern
glory before and during the war largely because of extremely efficient,
dedicated, visional, selfless, and inspiring leadership at all levels of Igbo
Society. From the Umunna through Village Assemblies, Town Unions, to Cultural
Organizations like the Igbo State Union, Divisional Associations and
Improvement Unions, Igbo leadership was stellar. Leaders were
"chosen" elected by their own people. They did the business of the
people. They raised funds, built roads, bridges, hospitals, health centers,
schools and colleges. They awarded scholarships to brilliant students and sent
them out to distant lands to be educated. They organized cooperative ventures
and provided capital for young traders and businessmen to start new enterprises
and businesses. Most importantly, they accounted regularly to the people who
elected them and if their stewardship was found wanting at any time, they were
removed and replaced with more efficient and effective leaders. That was how
Ndiigbo took off on a high note of success. Where is all that today? The
Nigerian conquerors have totally destroyed this structure and replaced it with
thrash.
Today men and women who have no credibility in
their own villages and towns, who can not win an election in their own Umunna,
village, town or women organizations, parade themselves in Lagos and Abuja as "Igbo Leaders". They do so because
they have donated large sums of money to political parties or because they have
been hobnobbing with some of the Northern and Western creeps who have kept us
in bondage. They leap over the stringent hurdles the Igbo have put in place for
choosing their leaders.
Then the oppressors in Abuja and Lagos appoint them ministers, special assistants,
representatives etc and Ndiigbo explode in jubilation that one of their own has
been appointed to an important post. But whose interest are they representing -
that of Ndiigbo or the "master" who appointed them? How much leverage
does Ndiigbo have in making these individuals attend to the causes and issues
(agenda) that are important to Ndiigbo? To who are these individuals
accountable? Of course, to the oppressor who appointed them and bought their
souls with money and other bribes. This phenomenon is the reality at the
Federal, State and Local Government levels. Now it is filtering into Towns and
Autonomous Communities with the emergence of the new breed of big money
contractor/supplier "Chiefs" and "Traditional Rulers",
appointed and approved by Abuja.
This is one of the reasons why nothing ever gets accomplished in Alaigbo today.
Ndiigbo, you are sinking deeper into this quagmire.
Today, Southern Nigeria
has been fully radicalized ethnically. Thanks to the ethnic jingoists. How does
this radicalization effect Ndiigbo? Stories we have been reading recently seem
to suggest that militarization of the ethnic groups in Southern Nigeria is seriously underway and is proceeding at an
alarming speed. Ethnic cleansing may be just around the corner and actually may
be just starting. It will be terrible for Ndiigbo if we don't evolve as a
matter of urgency effective, efficient, trusted, committed, dedicated
leadership that will guide the survival of Ndiigbo in the event of the expected
explosion: leadership that will be accountable to no one but Ndiigbo. Ndiigbo,
you don't want to and you don't deserve to go through another holocaust. No,
you don't.
LEADERSHIP
Ndi Igbo, men, women and children, we salute you.
The little boy or girl playing in front of papa's house, the young school child
listening attentively to the teacher in an vercrowded classroom, the college
and university student reduced to 001, 100, 010 feeding schedule, the
university graduate who has been looking for a job unsuccessfully for five
years and who as a last resort has become an Okada cab or wheelbarrow pusher at
the tollgate, the market woman who wakes up before the cockcrows and toils at
her market stall till sundown to scratch out a few naira to buy food for her
children, the man of the house who watches in total confusion and despair as
the business he toiled all his life to build dissolves before his very eyes
reducing him to almost the status of a beggar, the university professor who
despite being one of the brightest minds in the world, knows painfully well
that he cannot drive his dilapidated car because he cannot afford to replace
one burst tire, the trader in Aba, Umuahia, Onitsha, Enugu, Awka, Nsukka,
Abakaliki, agos, Jos, Calabar, Port Harcourt, Benin, Makurdi, Maidugiri, Kano,
Yola, Kaduna, Abuja, Sokoto, Zaria, Lome, Kumba, Cotonu, and other markets who
travel all over the world striving hard to bring goods to his customers, the
civil servant who despite earning subsistent monthly salary that does not last
two full weeks continues to work, the young Igbo man and woman who cannot
marry, rent a flat, buy his or her own car, build a house or even feed himself
or herself because nobody has bothered to provide any jobs for them, the man
who sings the praises of one crook or another, the politician who constantly
tells his people that things are or will be alright, the traditional ruler who
has been busy selling titles to even those who committed genocide against
Ndiigbo, we salute you all, Men, Women, and children, young and old, strong and
weak, EKWE NCHE salutes you all.
EKWE NCHE has spent hundreds of hours studying and
analyzing the life of Ndiigbo in the context of living in Nigeria in the past 56 years. We asked numerous questions
and sought to understand certain things about Ndiigbo. For example:
1.) Why did British governments
from as far back as the time of Lord Lugard through the government of Harold
Wilson, during Biafra hate
Ndiigbo?
2.) Why have Ndiigbo been the
target of violent physical attacks and looting of property in Jos 1945; Kano,
1953; all over Northern Nigeria, 1966; Western, parts of Midwestern Nigeria and
Lagos, 1967; Lagos 1993 and 1999?
3.) Why are Ndiigbo the most
willing of all ethnic groups to spend huge amounts of personal fortune developing
towns outside Igbo heartland in places like Kaduna, Lagos, Zaria, Sokoto, Benin, Kano, Markudi, Jos building hospitals,
schools, hotels, markets, industries, despite the fact that Ndiigbo are not the
wealthiest ethnic group in Nigeria?
4.) Why do they spend so much
money developing other people’s homes while leaving their homeland
undeveloped?
5.) Why are Igbo political leaders
the greatest advocates of Nigerian Nationalism (strong united Nigeria, e.g. Dr.
Nnamdi Azikiwe, despite being the losers for it, while political leaders of
other ethnic groups espouse primarily Ethnic Nationalism, e.g. Chief Obafemi
Awolowo, who never believed in Nigeria and would sacrifice Nigeria for the
benefit of the West; Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sarduana of Sokoto never believed in
Nigeria and would sacrifice Nigeria for the North. Both were great Ethnic
Nationalists who never believed in Nigeria.)?
6.) Why do current Igbo political
leaders seem to be going down the same path of Nigerian Nationalism despite the
hardship, suffering and death Ndiigbo have been subjected to because of their
belief in a strong Nigeria?
These are just a few of the hard questions we have
been asking and trying to find answers to. Why do we consider it important to
do this? Maka na Igbo kwuru si na onye amaghi ebe mmiri bido mawa ya, amagi ama
ebe onyakoro ahu.
From the colonial government into self-government
and independence, Nigerian political leaders have told Ndi Igbo: if you worked
hard, acquired good education, technical kills, were honest, enterprising and
above all believed in the unity of Nigeria, you will be rewarded and you will be successful
and happy. And so Ndiigbo swarmed universities, polytechnics and colleges in Nigeria, Europe and the Americas and acquired Western education and technological
skills in ways never before seen in Africa. You
joined the civil service in large numbers moving and delivering letters intact
and on time, you became railway engine drivers and made the trains run often-on
time, technologists kept the water taps running and electricity supply
constant, you became teachers and traveled long distances away from your homes
to educate children of other ethnic origins. Often you challenged British
imperialists who did not want certain parts of the country to be exposed to
good education.
You became engineers, technicians and laborers and
built roads, bridges that opened up many interior parts of Nigeria. Often you worked under very harsh and difficult
onditions. You fanned out to all parts of Nigeria delivering goods and services to people even at
the remotest parts of the country. You took your wives and children with you.
You built schools, hospitals, and industries and employed indigenes of the
communities where you lived to work and earn a living. You learned and spoke
their languages, dopted some of their customs and even married their women. You
did all these things because you honestly believed in One Nigeria, One Nation,
One Destiny. No other ethnic group comes even close to making the effort to
weld Nigeria into one nation as you did.
Did Nigerian leaders reward your noble effort? You
bet they did! By organizing the killing of Ndiigbo and looting of their
property in Jos 1945, Kano
1953. They did by planning and executing the most barbaric pogrom on Ndiigbo in
May, July and September 1966 resulting in the killing of some 50,000 men,
women, and children including the unprecedented barbarism of slitting open the
bellies of pregnant Igbo women and then killing the unborn fetus - the most
abominable crime in human history. They did by chasing you out of the towns,
schools, hospitals, industries that you had built in their communities. They
did by refusing you employment in their civil service in Northern and Western Nigeria. They did by employing expatriates in the civil
service in Northern Nigeria rather than employing you. They did by looting
your shops and personal effects in Northern and Western Nigeria and seizing and distributing your houses, land and
industries in of all places Port Harcourt an Igbo land, and other riverine towns to their cronies and agents.
They did by even forcing Igbo in some parts of Igbo land to declare that they
were not Igbo and even go as far as changing the names of their towns and
villages to only God knows what. No they were not done with rewarding you. They
had to pursue you to your country homes, your villages and destroy even that
last bit you had there as well as starve to death about four million of your
innocent women, old men and children. The Igbo holocaust has no equal in the
history of modern Africa. Then they made sure that you didn't have any
money to start life all over again. They rewarded your high educational
achievement by chasing your highly qualified and efficient administrators away
from higher institutions in places like Lagos and Ibadan. They did by starving your schools of funds and
institutionalizing policies that guaranteed employment to mediocres,
non-skilled cronies and rabble rousers rather than to those of you who are
skilled, qualified and knowledgeable in your fields. Thus they effectively
rendered your education and skills irrelevant. They have rewarded you by making
sure that your sons and daughters will never rise to certain ranks in the Army,
Air force, Navy, Police, Immigration, Customs etc. If they could, they would
have rewarded you by limiting your movement in and outside Nigeria. They had planned to do so but couldn't quite
figure out how to do it. Oh yes, Ndiigbo see how Nigeria has rewarded you for
your belief in One Nigeria, your educational attainment, your technical skill,
hard work, industry, entrepreneurial power and your willingness to cast off
retrogressive policies and practices. Ndiigbo, Nigeria gave you these rewards because you were very good
Nigerian nationalists, you believed strongly in One Nigeria, One Nation, One
Destiny.
But what about those who did not believe in One
Nigeria for a second? How did Nigeria reward or punish them? Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the
undisputed leader of the Yoruba together with his followers believed that Nigeria was a mere geographical expression. They believed
staunchly in protecting the interest of the Yoruba Nation. For not believing in
One Nigeria, the Yoruba Nation has been rewarded with control of the Nigerian
economy, the civil service, scores of industries, huge infrastructural
development in Lagos including expressways, flyovers, most modern port
facility etc., and a large chunk of the Nigerian army. The AD and Afenifere has
made sure that the reward continues in the current Obasanjo administration.
Chief Awolowo and his followers are Yoruba Nationalists.
Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sarduana of Sokoto and his
followers believed that North should be for Northerners, West for Westerners,
East for Easterners and the Federation for us all (where ever the federation
is). Almost all the Northern leaders of today are staunch followers of Ahmadu
Bello except the few followers of Alhaji Aminu Kano and J.S. Tarka. How did Nigeria reward the Hausa/Fulani Nationalists? Easy! Nigeria gave them gave them control of the army, the
police and other uniformed organizations. Nigeria gave them total control of the billions of dollars
earned yearly from sale of crude oil and natural gas ironically located in
Eastern and Mid-Western Nigeria. They were rewarded with control of a big chunk
of the civil service as well as scores of industries. They were even rewarded
with money printing machines with which they could print all the money they
wanted. And so Western and Northern Nigeria political leaders who did not
believe in the unity of the Nigerian federation have often been given control
of the instruments of government of the federation while Eastern political
leaders who have been strong believers in the primacy of the federation of
Nigeria has been shunted aside. Is it ironical? Is it confusing? You answer for
yourself.
Ndiigbo, if you pay close attention to what has
been happening in Nigeria in the past 50 years, you wouldn't feel so
confused. On many occasions the north threatened to break away from the
federation if they were not given what they demanded. Each time they got
exactly what they demanded. During the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954, the
Northern House of Chiefs and the Northern House of Assembly passed an eight
point resolution demanding that they be allocated 92 of the 184 seats in the
Federal House of Representatives. They insisted that if that was not done
Nigeria will immediately transform into a confederation or customs union in
which each of the three regions will enjoy lmost sovereign status with the right
to make their own laws without approval of the federal government, maintain a
separate judiciary, and public service etc. The British, West and East
governments agreed and the North dropped its demand for a confederation or
customs union. They blatantly rigged the federal election of 1959 and installed
Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa prime minister. They rigged it again in 1964 and as
usual forced Zik to install Abubakar prime minister. During the constitutional
conference of 1966/67 they insisted on a confederation but changed to a
federation with a strong central government when they were advised by the
British, to change their stand since they were already in control of the
instrument of power and government. They did and had their way.
In 1999 after the death of General Abacha, the West
made a veiled threat to break away from the federation if they were not given
the reins of power. The North quickly handed over the government to Olusegun
Obasanjo.
When you Ndiigbo demanded self-determination, basic
freedom to be left alone to run your life, in 1967, the North and the West
teamed up and slaughtered millions of you like dogs. Ndiigbo what has changed
for you in 40 years? Ndiigbo, after the most horrible and humiliating
experience of the past 33 years, it is time for you to take a close
hilosophical and pragmatic look at the direction you have been going in Nigeria. For being the most patriotic Nigerians, the
greatest defenders of Nigerian unity you have been discriminated against, your
highly qualified sons and daughters have been pushed out of their jobs, your
houses and other property have been confiscated and given out to cronies as war
booty, your wealth carefully preserved in banks has been stolen by government,
your roads and bridges have been neglected and turned into death traps, your
schools and colleges have virtually collapsed out of neglect, your wives and
daughters have been raped and carried away as booty, your men have been
slaughtered in their millions, your young men have been rendered uneducated,
unemployed and financially emasculated, commerce and entrepreneurship have been
made so difficult that you have to sweat blood to earn every naira, your
society has been pauperized and thrown into cultural chaos. Hunger, poverty,
disease, squalor, insecurity of life and property, premature death has become
your bedfellows. The Igbo who never begged because it was a thing of honor and
pride to be able to pay for whatever one wanted has become a beggar. Ndiigbo,
things have seriously fallen apart for you. In what aspect of life are you
better off today (1999) than you were in 1965? When people tell you that things
are getting better, ask them "better for who?"; when they say, don't
worry, we are in charge now, ask them "in charge of what?"; when they
say, our political party is in control and has power, tell them that is it not
totally and completely apparent and clear that the Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani are
in control of economic and political power in Nigeria.
When they tell you that power belongs to the political
party, tell them that it is a lie. Tell them that IN IGBO SOCIETY POWER BELONGS
TO THE PEOPLE. Ndiigbo elect their own leaders and tell their leaders what to
do and how to lead them. Ndiigbo have never accepted "rulers", not
even when the British imposed warrant chiefs on them. Think about it. Ndiigbo,
it is time once again to set yourselves on the path of prosperity, progress,
economic growth, commercial and industrial advancement, political and cultural
emancipation and stability, social and economic justice, good health, abundant
supply of food, individual freedom, liberty and respect of your human rights,
intellectual, educational and technological achievement, the hallmark of Igbo
society. Arise, Ndiigbo arise, its time. Like the Israelites of Biblical times
you have been in the wilderness for more than 30 years. It is time to rise and
shine again.
Yes, the people of the rising sun, it is time!!
IGBO IDENTITY:
As we get ready to rise from 33 years of coma, it is
important for every Igbo man woman and child to remind himself or herself who
he or she is. The reason for doing this is that when an individual or a group
of people have been subjected to intense economic, social, psychological trauma
and or deprivation as Ndi Igbo have been, there is a tendency for them to lose
perspective of who they are. They may stop believing in themselves. They may
attack, fight and even kill one another. Worst of all they may behave like
slaves towards their oppressor. This destroys them even more than the actions
of the oppressor and they will continue like that until someone wakes them up
from their psychological stupor. Let us look at our identity, who we are, from
two angles:
1.) How the world sees Ndiigbo.
2.) How Ndiigbo see themselves.
Let us start with how the world has seen Ndiigbo.
Michael Mok quoting a Reverend father in Biafra said of the Igbo, "The Igbo man never begs. He is much too
proud. He wants to pay for what he gets. The Igbo are wizards at saving money.
When one of them gets a job, he starts saving right away: first for a bicycle,
then for a transistor radio, and next for a bit of land. Then he builds a house
on it, gets a wife and before the first child is born, he is already putting
money by for the kids school fees. The Igbos are mad for education". Well
this is the Igbo man at his best, hardworking, thrifty, and always putting
something away for the future. The creativity and intelligence of the Igbo man
is clearly celebrated in this statement.
"There was a time when it was impossible to
have a car break down in Igboland. You would find yourself stuck somewhere way
out in the bush and the first thing you know three loafers, two of whom had
probably never peeked under the bonnet of an auto in their lives would saunter
up to see what was the matter. In no time at all, using rags and string they
would have you on your way again". - Michael Mok.
John C. Merriam, after working with Operation
Crossroads in Africa had this to say about the three major ethnic groups.
The Ibos (Igbo) in Nigerian
history were a relatively insignificant tribe, but their society had
achievement based norms that adapted quickly to Westernization. All over Nigeria, they formed a merchant and
professional class. An engineer said, "If you are a businessman and you
need engineers, you read applications and you don't look at tribes. Fifteen of
the twenty men you hire will be Ibos (Igbo). The Yoruba fall somewhere in
between but closer to the Ibos (Igbo) than the Hausa. They are literate, they
are politically sophisticated, but they look at life with a grin".
The Harvard Crimson, Nov. 12, 1968.
John de St. Jorre in his book, The Brothers War
captured the essence of the Igbo spirit in this description:
Why in defiance of all the normal
functional laws of the modern state, life inside Biafra kept going. Dr. Pius Okigbo, Biafra's chief economic planner
explained to him, "it is the human factors and the context that matter
here and they make nonsense of theoretical economics". St. Jorre then observed,
"improvisation was the order of the day. Electrical engineers and chemists
were making rockets, hand grenades and the famous Ogbunigwe" .... petrol
was rationed but homemade refineries were soon to be put into operation and low
sulfur oil was distilled in huge water tanks set upon trestles which kept
essential transport moving. Ingenious cannibalization and mechanical miracles
surmounted the dearth of spare parts and the Biafrans made several armored cars
out of lorries and bulldozers. Government offices increasingly decentralized
functioned normally. .... civil servants had adopted themselves to their
reduced circumstances .... they seemed less like stiff marionettes. And what a
galaxy of talent in Biafra. So many of Nigeria's top civil servants, diplomats,
soldiers, academics, technicians .... the envy of undermanned Black Africa ....
Outside the hospitals and refugee camps, life really did appear deceptively
normal. Water, electricity, and even telephone functioned, if somewhat
erratically. There were no beggars, people did not complain and there was an
extraordinary feeling of togetherness. The natural vivacity and quick-witted
charm of the Ibo (Igbo) people shone through their terrible adversities. There
was a strong determination not only to survive, but also to survive with a
flourish - to show the outsiders and themselves that life would go on .... In Biafra virtually everything was in short
supply, everything except human energy, ingenuity and an extraordinary
collective and relentless will to struggle on.
Edward C. Schwarzenbach writing in the Swiss Review
of World Affairs spoke of the Ibos (Igbo) thus:
The Ibo (Igbo) of the East have
always spoken the most progressive language in Nigeria and been more or less leftist
oriented. Precisely for this reason, they were of no long-range political
interest to Moscow. To the Igbo with their
egalitarian society, free of hierarchical structures, communism is by no means
attractive and they are not susceptible to Soviet propaganda."
Schwarzenbach predicted, "Now that the Igbo have been overpowered and the
North armed by England and Soviet Russia has defeated Biafra, the Yoruba of the Western part
of the country may soon find themselves in trouble.
Even people who hate Ndiigbo sometimes truthfully acknowledge
the sterling qualities of Igbo men and women. One such person is Lord Lugard
who in a foreword to the book, African Women by Leith-Ross, said: " ...
the essential characteristics of Igbo womanhood are little changed. She is
ambitious, self-reliant, hardworking, and independent. Her interests are
centered in love of her yam field coupled with a passion for trading and the
desire to grow rich. She claims full equality with the opposite sex and would
seem indeed to be the dominant partner. The women's councils, approved and
trusted by the men enact laws for the protection of crops, and enforce them by
suitable penalties including ridicule. The alacrity with which they will
abandon old ways for new is evident in the popularity of hospitals, courts of
law, schools and post offices. And though they show little deference towards
Europeans, they are intensely eager to obtain the education which Europeans
have brought as a means of getting rich."
Describing the political philosophy and
organization of the Igbo, Cronje in his book The World and Nigeria stated as follows: "In the East indirect rule
failed altogether. There were no big chiefs, emirates or empires which could be
adopted to the needs of British administrators. The Eastern people lived in
village groups administered by councils which were presided over by senior men
who held office by virtue of their personal ability as much as by age or
lineage" [Cronje, S. 1972, The World and Nigeria, Sidgwick and Jackson,
London] Reporting on the position, status and influence of chiefs and natural
rulers in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, G. I. Jones stated as follows:
The usual patterns is for public matters to be discussed
at a general meeting at which every able bodied male who is a full member of
the community has a right to attend and to speak if he so wishes. ...the
community particularly in the Ibo(Igbo) area is not prepared to surrender its
legislative authority to any chiefs, elders or other traditional office
holders...
G. I. Jones (1957)
Report on the position, status and influence of
chiefs and natural rulers in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, Government Printer,
Enugu. Chief Obafemi Awolowo speaking of the Igbo and
Ibibio stated: "The Ibos (Igbo) and Ibibios cannot tolerate anyone
assuming the authority of a chieftain over them."
Obafemi Awolowo (1947) Path to Nigerian Freedom,
Faber and Faber.
Jack Shepherd, senior editor of Look had this to
say of Igbo:
The Biafran struggle centers on regional and economic
rivalries that reach beyond the fighting. Ibos (Igbo) from Eastern Nigeria
burst quickly into the 20th century developing as doctors, lawyers, engineers,
and competing with (perhaps overwhelming) less educated Nigerians especially
Hausas and Fulanis in the North. The rivalry and jealousy intensified. Ibo
(Igbo) aggressiveness and ambition in commerce, public utilities and the civil
service made them a hated people. They were called the Jews of Black Africa.
Look, Nov. 26, 1968.
In a special article on the Nigerian Civil War,
Time described the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria thus:
To the North living on flat grassland that backs up to the
Sahara sands dwell the Hausa and Fulani,
haughty, devout Moslem peoples governed locally by feudal emirs. The Western
Region is the home of the Yoruba, a tribe known for its profusion of gods (more
than 400) and its joie de vivre. To the East where they are now trapped, the
ambitious and clever Ibo (Igbo) people thrived. Brought forcibly together under
colonial rule, the three regions developed the hatreds and jealousies of
totally different culture. Most hated of all and most envied by other Nigerians
were the Ibos (Igbo), quite possibly Africa's most capable people and by force of energy and
intellect, the dominant tribe of newly independent Nigeria. Within their tribal culture lay
unique seeds for Western-style self-improvement. Unlike many other tribes, they
had no autocratic village chiefs. Instead, they were ruled by open councils of
what sociologists called high achievers... successful yam farmers, warriors,
public speakers. The titles a man earned were buried with him and his sons were
forced unlike most Africans to make their own reputations. The Igbos welcomed
missionaries because they brought schools and books. Before their secession
from Nigeria the Ibos (Igbo) of Eastern Region
were spending 40% of their public funds on education. Villagers often pooled
their resources to send the most promising boy of college age off to study in
Britain.... those who stayed at home eagerly absorbed the mechanics of industry
and government from British colonials who came to rely on willing Ibo (Igbo)
hands to do their work... They became Nigeria's most cosmopolitan people whose
traders and technicians spread throughout the country building factories,
hospitals, and their inevitable cooperative self-improvement associations.
After the British left, the Ibos (Igbo) in effect inherited the controls of
modern Nigeria from civil service posts in the
government to engine driver jobs in the railway.
Time, August 23, 1968.
In a report to the United States Senate (called the
Goodell Report) Senator Charles Goodell who sponsored and led a study mission
to Biafra and Nigeria stated thus:
Biafrans and particularly Ibos (Igbo) were previously
dispersed all over Nigeria. They stood out among inhabitants
of West
Africa
in literacy, percentage of youngsters admitted to institutions of higher
education and devotion to learning. Indeed many foreign observers have felt
that envy was generated among Nigerians as a result of the high degree of
education of the Ibos (Igbo). Their occupation of a high proportion of the
professional and managerial positions as a result of their education level was
one of the psychological factors responsible for the civil outbreaks in Northern Nigeria in May - September, 1966."
On governance in Biafra he remarked, "What is remarkable and frankly surprising about
the Biafrans is their sense of organization and their commitment to orderly
procedures, both governmental and private in their current situation. The
administrative or executive branch of Biafran government is departmentalized
and functionally organized top to bottom .... The central government relates
more or less well to the provincial government offices, and the various
departments of the central government cooperate with and sometimes oppose each
other in the manner familiar to those who knew the Nigerian governmental
procedures before the war, or for that matter, in the manner of most
governments. The Consultative Assembly referred to earlier is a group of
provincial and village leaders selected by their people and answerable to them
for their decisions and recommendations." Goodell Report, Congressional
Record, S 1985. Times, commenting on the democratic credentials of Biafra stated thus: "For a country
at war, and life and death struggle at that, Biafra is run in an amazingly democratic
and efficient way. He (Ojukwu) runs Biafra as a war time democracy, frequently seeking the
advise of Ibo (Igbo) elders. Biafra also has a functioning judiciary, a ministerial executive
government and civil service. There will be no military dictatorship here he
(Ojukwu) says.
Times, August 23, 1968.
We have been listening to how other people see and
regard Ndiigbo. The other part of the equation is how Ndiigbo see and regard
themselves. Let's review some of the things we know about Ndiigbo.
Philosophically, Ndiigbo maintain a very delicate balance between INDIVIDUALISM
and COMMUNITARISM. Very early in the socialization process the Igbo child is
taught that he is the master of his destiny. He learns that success in any task
which he or she undertakes is his responsibility and that he will equally take
personal responsibility for any failures. He is instructed to strive for
excellence, success and status and is taught that his status in society will be
the result of his personal achievement and not the result of any ascription.
His individual efforts are reinforced and encouraged and gradually he realizes
that even among his age mates he has to compete for power, status and respect
and that his social condition will depend almost exclusively on his individual
efforts. Through encouragement and the abundance of modeling, he learns that
failure is only a temporary set back which should provide even stronger motivation
to overcome the obstacle. The philosophy of individualism is also transmitted
to the child through Igbo philosophy. Central to this individualistic
philosophy is the concept of CHI or personal God. Broadly conceptualized, it is
the totality of the individual's being, his past history, present activities
and future result. This destiny, fate and other factors collectively shape his
life and his activities during his lifetime. The importance of this life force
is captured in the Igbo proverbs which emphasize the complex interaction
between the individual and his CHI. A few examples will help to illustrate this
point: "Onye kwe, Chi ya ekwe" If one agrees, ones Chi will also
agree.
This proverb epitomizes personal responsibility and
individual self-determination. It almost implies that one can bargain or
negotiate with ones Chi for favorable outcome of events. "Onye nya na Chi
ya n'ije, ukwu adi akpo ya". One whose Chi is present in ones journey does
not strike ones toe against a rock. "Onye ka mmadu ka Chi ya." He who
is greater than another is greater than his Chi. "Ofu nne n'amu mana ofu
Chi adi eke." The same mother can give birth to several children but each
of them has a different Chi. "Okuko adi akpanye n'afo efi." A chick
does not put food in the stomach of a cow. This pattern of socialization helps
individuals clearly establish their self-defined identity. In a rather
paradoxical way Igbo Society also emphasizes COMMUNITAL relationship. Within
the family children learn to support each other. In the neighborhood community
children of different families learn to play together, to share food and simple
chores like cleaning the village square or village stream. Soon they organize
themselves into age mates preparatory to organizing themselves into age grades
later in life. Irrespective of the economic status of their parents, they learn
quite early that everyone needs everyone else for successful existence. When
they organize themselves into age grades, they undertake community projects
such as building roads, hospitals, civic centers, health clinics etc. All these
are meant to emphasize to the individual the indispensability of the group, the
community to their survival. The community is not seen as just a collection of
individuals. It is seen as a unique relationship in which the survival and
happiness of the individual is intricately interwoven with the survival and
happiness of the community to which the individual belongs.
Beginning with the family and extending outward to
Umunne (extended family), Umunna (kindred), Village (Ogbe) and town (Obodo,
Ala), Igbo society is seen not as a collection of individuals each with his own
rights and liberties in an atomistic manner but rather as collections of
individuals in groups that systematically and progressively become enlarged.
The structure can be likened to concentric circles that expand outward in a
systematic manner, the larger circles containing the smaller circles and yet
allowing them to maintain their identities and structures and at the same time using
the identities and structures of the smaller circles to maintain the integrity
and strength of the larger circles in a rather symbolic manner. Just as
symbiotic relationship in living organisms requires careful maintenance of this
delicate balance for the survival of each organism, Igbo society require
careful maintenance of this delicate balance for her survival. The importance
of group affiliation in Igbo philosophy and worldview is captured in Igbo
proverbs and idioms. For example, "Ofu osisi adi eme ofia." [A tree
does not make a forest.] "Ofu onye nie onwe ya aka ya aputagi ukwu
aputa." [If a person buries himself, one of his hands or legs must show
above ground.] "Onye gbara umu nna ya mgba isi n'ebu ya aja aja" [He
who wrestles with his kindred folk will have his hair covered with sand.]
"Onye kwulu so ya, ijiji atagbue ya." [He who stands alone will be
devoured by even flies.]
How is this apparent contradiction between
individualism and communitarism resolved? Individualism provides the philosophical
base for individual achievement and the strive towards excellence, while
communitarism acts as a counterweight to the temptation so often abundant in
selfish, survivalist, individualistic, ascendancy-inspired activities (survival
of the fittest philosophy) to trample upon and possibly destroy others
including relatives and friends in the scramble to get to the top.
Because an individual sees himself as an integral
part of the community, he or she feels obligated to protect the welfare,
integrity and honor of that community by not engaging in any acts that will be
prejudicial to the good of the community, and by doing those things that will
promote the welfare and survival of the community. The community on the other
hand spreads its wings of protection and care over the individual, but wastes
no time in calling an erring member of the community to order. On rare
occasions it imposes such harsh sanction as ostracism or even banishment on an
erring or recalcitrant member. This socialization enables an Igbo child early
in life to develop the all important principle of self-control in their daily
activities. The delicate balance serves
two purposes:
1.) It preserves the integrity of the community by
shielding it from external and internal intrigues and acts of sabotage aimed at
destroying that integrity.
2.) It protects the individual from destructive behaviors
of other people as well as their own propensity towards self-destructive or
community-destructive activities.
Thus the community protects and preserves the
individual just as the individual protects and preserves the community.
COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP IN IGBO SOCIETY
To fully understand political behavior and
especially leadership in Igbo society, we have to go back to the smallest group,
which is the family. The father is seen as the head, voice and shield of the
family. He takes direct charge and responsibility for whatever happens in his
family and will not accept dictation from even his father. Thus he is seen as
"di bu uno", the man that carries the household. I am sure that some
of you will ask, how about the woman? The woman or mother is seen as the heart
of the household, the pillar which provides emotional nurturance for the family
as well as ensures that material nurturance is available on a daily basis for
the family. She is a moderating influence in emotionally charged, explosive
situations and is usually her husband's confidant and adviser in most matters
affecting the family. If the family becomes involved in discussion, negotiation
or conflict resolution with the (Umunne) extended family, (Umunna) kindred, his
primary responsibility will be to protect the rights and privileges of his
family and to ensure that the voice of his family is duly heard during the
discussion. In such situation, he will be expected to consult with his wife and
grown children to figure out what position he should take on the issues. If the
family suffers injury, injustice or disability as a result of his failure to
protect their interest, he will be roundly blamed by his wife and children and
depending on the severity and frequency of the incident could face revolt and
challenge to his authority by his adult sons especially the eldest son. That
scenario is rare but it happens.
In matters affecting the Umunna (Kindred) every
family is represented by adult males from each family. However leadership of
the Umunna is vested in the eldest male in the Umunna who is called Okpara,
opara, onye ishi, diokpa etc. The diokpa keeps custody of the Ofo, the sacred
stick, which symbolizes the legitimacy of his authority as well as his
commitment to justice in all his decisions and rulings. The authority of the
diokpa is not imbued with dictatorial power as he must consult with all the
family and possibly obtain consensus on the issue at hand before making a
ruling. He also cannot enforce a ruling without the explicit mandate of the
extended family.
If the Umunna is involved in a negotiation,
consultation or conflict resolution with other groups at the level of the village
or town (Ogbe, Ama, Obodo), the diokpa becomes the spokesperson for his Umunna.
Consultation with members of his Umunna will precede all-important decisions
that he will render. If he is requested to render an opinion on the spot by the
Obodo (Town), or if he suspects that the opinion he is about to render will be
regarded unfavorably by his Umunna, or if he is faced with a totally new
development, that he was not prepared for, he will immediately request leave of
the Obodo to consult with his Umunna through a procedure called "igba izu
or izuzu", before rending the opinion. During the izu, which is usually
done standing up in a circle a good distance away from the Assembly, all the
members of the Umunna will have an opportunity to air their views on the issue
at hand.
The discussion goes on for a few minutes and
quickly they arrive at a consensus on what their leader should present as their
view. When they get back to the assembly the diokpa or some other person
delegated to present their view renders their opinion as clearly as he can. He
will usually end by looking back at his Umunna who may be standing or sitting
behind him, and intoning in a clear voice: "Okwa nu ya ibe anyi nu"
or "okwa ihe unu kwuru" (is this what you resolved). And all the members
will answer in unison, "iyaa obu ya" (yes it is). And they salute him
by his traditional name. If he missed a point, they will take a quick glance at
one another and a member of his Umunna will quickly interject when he asks the
question "okwa ihe unu kwulu", "ka m nwelu gi aka" (let me
help you). And he will add the point missed by the diokpa. If he says something
totally different from what they had agreed to, a member of the group will
quickly call his attention to it and immediately effect a correction. During
the izu, the Umunna does not usually strive for unanimous agreement on the
issues. Rather they seek to establish an acceptable majority. And once this
majority has been established, it becomes the consensus and all opposition
ceases as everyone is expected to stand with the group.
This is why Ndiigbo have the saying: "onye
Umunna ya gburu adi agbe mmee" (whoever is killed by his Umunna does not
shed any blood). The diokpa maintains his authority , power and status by
virtue of his credibility, good judgement and excellent performance. He does
not expose his umunna to ridicule by engaging in corruption, immorality, or
injustice. He does not let the Umunna suffer humiliation, injury, injustice or
other form of disability at community deliberations. He will do anything and
everything within legal limits to protect the interest, rights and privileges
of the Umunna and to ensure that their voice is not lost at the Community
Assembly. If he does this, his Umunna will be very proud of him even when they
lose a case. If for any reason the diokpa consistently exposes the Umunna to
ridicule, injustice, humiliation, injury or other forms of disability, the
power and authority given to him could be taken away by the Umunna and handed
over to another person, who the Umunna believes is capable of protecting their
interest. Usually, it will be the next oldest person, but sometimes it could be
a younger person who may have proved his capacity to represent the Umunna
effectively. If the diokpa commits a minor infraction, or engages in behavior
unexpected of his elevated status, the Umunna will reprimand him respectfully.
This same procedure of representation is repeated
at the level of the Town Union or Community Assembly. Each town is made up of
several villages. The Town Union government is made up of officers elected from
all the villages. Each village elects a stipulated number of representatives to
the Town government. In electing the representatives to the town government,
each village makes deliberate effort to have at least one representative from
each Umunna where possible. These representatives know that it is their
responsibility to project and protect the interest of the village at the level
of the Town government. They take this responsibility very seriously aware that
if they fail to project the views of the village, they will not only be
recalled but may also face severe socio-psychological sanction such as shaming
or even economic sanction such as a fine. In addition to representing their
village, they are aware that they are ambassadors of their Umunna.
Therefore they strive very hard to avoid any
actions that could portray their Umunna in bad light e.g. taking bribes, being
a drunk. Because of the importance which Ndiigbo attach to the
"representative" function or duty, they adopt very stringent
parameters in choosing these representatives. Such parameters include
demonstrated wisdom, knowledge, honesty, oratory, and other achievement
characteristics like bravery, wealth, titles, valor in battle. It is important
to emphasize that unlike what happens in Western democracies where money and
affluence seem to be the determining characteristics for election to
representative office, in Igbo culture, the value or quality of a person is not
determined in dollar and cents or naira and kobo. It is determined by the
individual performance on the assigned task. Therefore money and material
possession do not constitute supreme parameters in selecting an individual to
represent his Umunna or Village.
Because an individual’s wealth or financial
status does not play an overwhelming role in determining an individual’s
suitability for election to representative office, the group the individual is
representing does not feel overawed or intimidated to recall the representative
any time they conclude that he is not living up to their expectation. In a
similar way, the deference and respect accorded an elder in the socio-political
arrangement in Igbo Society is not seen as willy-nilly obedience to the elder.
No. The elder strives at all times to earn, maintain and therefore retain this
respect through exemplary conduct at all times. Failure to do so might result
in loss of respect, status and withdrawal of this authority by the group.
HOW IS POLITICAL DISCUSSION ORGANIZED IN IGBOLAND?
In traditional Igbo Society it is extremely
important for ones voice to be heard. To deny an individual the right to have
his or her voice heard is the equivalent of social death or at best the status
of a slave. It can be interpreted to mean that the person does not exist. An
Igbo person will therefore protest and fight with utmost vehemence if this
right is infringed upon and may not give in until this right is restored. If
this humiliation continues, the individual will "cry" to his Umunna who
will take umbrage at this humiliation of one of their own and demand that the
degradation stop immediately. One of the worst things that could happen to a
man is to make this appeal and be ignored by the Umunna. It can be interpreted
that the Umunna regards such a person almost as a living dead. From the
extended family (Umunna) to the Town Union, discussions are usually frank and
forthright even as individual presentations are laced with idioms and proverbs.
Honesty, frankness and forthrightness are seen as great virtues while rigmarole
is often regarded as evidence of weakness and cowardice. At an assembly each
person is expected to indicate their intention to speak by clearing their
throat, raising their hand, standing up or using any other such as saluting the
last speaker. Then the person chairing the meeting will recognize his presence.
Should two or more people indicate their intention to speak at the same time,
the chair will recognize them according to their chronological age beginning
with the oldest and ending with the youngest. Sometimes titles such as Ozo,
Onyeishi (in the areas that take these titles) can enhance an individual's
recognition to speak at an assembly.
To attract optimal attention at ones presentation,
an individual may begin his speech by saluting the Assembly; Kwenu! Yaa! As the
discussion progresses, members present at the assembly will have a feeling as
to which point of view has the greatest support. Once it becomes clear which
view has overwhelming support, the chair will declare that, and close the
discussion. Henceforth all opposition to the prevalent view will cease and even
the losers though unhappy, will be bound to go along with the majority,
satisfied that at least their "voice" was heard.
In Igbo Society, each Village of Community, sees
itself as autonomous, sovereign, and would not accept dictation from any other
group. In most traditional Igbo Societies, the entire village or community
acting as Amala, Oha (Community Assembly), makes the laws. In such communities there
are no special law making bodies. More recently, in several communities, a
small group elected from and representing all the villages or Umunna is
mandated to make laws which are then presented to the Community Assembly for
ratification. Such law-making bodies go by various names in different
communities: oti-ekwe, oji nkpo, Town Union Executive etc. Communities often
enforce the laws through these bodies, which act in judicial capacity,
adjudicating cases, handing down judgments, imposing sanctions and other
penalties. In more traditional settings however, the entire community also acts
to enforce the laws using Umunna, Age grades, Okonko and other small social
units to enforce the laws. The community also assesses taxes and levi