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ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE 1. PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS 1.1 Preamble 1.2 Historical Background 2. OVERVIEW OF MARGINALISATION IN NIGERIAN POLITY 2.1 Preamble 2.2 Marginalisation 2.3 Origins and Victims of Marginalisation 3. VIOLATIONS OF THE HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF NDI
IGBO DURING THE IMMEDIATE PRE-CIVIL WAR PERIOD 3.1 Preamble 3.2 Misplaced Aggression 3.3 Waves of Pogrom 3.4 International Law 3.5 Genocide 3.6 The Cost 3.7 The Refugee Problem and Federal Government Insensitivity. 3.8 Prayers 4. VIOLATIONS OF THE HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF NDI
IGBO DURING THE CIVIL WAR 4.1 Preamble 4.2 Continuation of Genocide 4.3 Land War: Concentration on Civilian Targets 4.4 Bombing: Concentration on Civilian Targets 4.5 Scorched Earth Policy 4.6 Rapes 4.7 Maltreatment of War Prisoners 4.8
Hunger as 4.9 The Final Solution 4.10 Prayers 3 5. VIOLATIONS OF THE HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF NDI
IGBO IN THE IMMEDIATE POST-WAR ERA 5.1
Preamble 5.2
Social Strangulation 5.2.1 Physical Liquidation 5.2.2 Continuation of Starvation Policy 5.2.3 Mass Dismissal of Igbo Public Servants 5.2.4 Destruction of Education 5.2.5 Social Ostracism 5.3
Economic Strangulation 5.3.1 Denial of Pre-War Savings 5.3.2 Exclusion from the Commanding Heights Of the Economy 5.3.3 Abandoned Property Policy 5.3.4 No Reconstruction 5.3.5 Denial of Source of Livelihood to Poor Igbo Traders 5.3.6 Excision of Igbo Mineral-Rich Areas From Igboland 5.4
Political Strangulation 5.4.1 Exclusion from Political Apex 5.4.2 Political Manipulation of Census Figures 5.5
Prayers 6. VIOLATIONS OF THE HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF NDI
IGBO IN THE LATER POST-WAR ERA - TO 1999 6.1
Preamble 6.2
Political Disempowerment 6.2.l Creation of States 6.2.2 Exclusion from Political Apex 6.2.3 A New Height in Marginalisation in Obasanjo’s Regime 6.3
Social Disempowerment 6.3.1 Employment in the Federal Sector 6.3.2 Racial Discrimination 6.4
Economic Disempowerment 6.4.1 Denial and Delay of Infrastructural Facilities 6.4.2 Petroleum Trust Fund: Conduit Pipe for Inequitable Resources Transfer 6.4.3 Discriminatory Industrial Policy 6.4.4 Revenue Sharing 6.4.5 Prayers 4 7. SUMMARY OF REMEDIES 7.1 Violation of the Human and Civil Rights of Ndi Igbo During the Immediate Pre- Civil War Period 7.2 Violation of the Human and Civil Rights of Ndi Igbo During the Civil War 7.3 Violation of the Human and Civil Rights of Ndi Igbo in the Immediate Post-war Era 7.4 Violation of the Human and Civil Rights of Ndi Igbo in the Later Post- war Era 7.5 Grand Total Monetary Compensation 8. CONCLUSION 5 1. IGBO RACE IN 1.1 Preamble This is a petition by OHA-NA-EZE Ndi Igbo (the apex organisation of the entire Igbo people of many violations of the human and civil rights of the Ndi Igbo and other forms of injustices meted
to them by groups and/or governments in petition seeking reparations and appropriate restitution in compensation for the injuries which Ndi Igbo have suffered (owing to these injustices and violations of their rights), restoration and guarantee of all their rights, full reconciliation, and integration into the Nigerian Federation so as to give Ndi Igbo the necessary sense of belonging as Nigerians to enable them give their best for the overall development of our great country. We have in this petition articulated some of the violations of human and civil rights of Ndi Igbo and other crimes and injustices against us as only illustrative of the numerous deprivations, discriminations and violations of rights which Ndi Igbo have suffered and continue to suffer in our country. This petition, containing our compendium of charges, is organised as follows: 1. Historical Background, 2. An overview of marginalisation in the Nigerian policy, 3. The violation of rights (the immediate pre-war period), 4. Violation of rights (the civil war period), 5. Violation of rights (the immediate post-war period), 6. Violation of rights (the later post-war period - ‘mid-70s to date) 7. The reparations and appropriate restitutions sought. 1.2
Historical background Ndi
Igbo are one of the three largest ethnic groups in census figures show that Ndi Igbo with a population of about 5.5 million constituting 16.6% of the
country’s population are the second largest ethnic group in to
1991 population census, vide Table 1). Igbo recognised
as the most densely populate land area in the whole of 700
people per square kilometre compared to 276 and 59 people per square kilometre
for and Development
Natural Resources Institute Ndi Igbo have common boundaries with the Igala of Kogi State and the Idoma of Benue State
in the North, the in the South-east and the Ijaw in the South. Ndi Igbo are the occupants of the present Abia, Anambra,
Ebonyi, Rivers
State (8 LGAs). Of the six geopolitical zones of 6 States make up one zone (South East). [LGAs – Local Government Areas]. Ndi Igbo have lived peacefully and in harmony with their neighbours, intermarrying and doing business without any history of war. The Igbo Ukwu archaeological finding of Professor Thurstan
Shaw of the Archaeological Discoveries in Eastern Nigeria, Faber Ltd, London] showed artifacts which revealed Igbo association with the Hausa/Fulani since the 9th century AD. Ndi Igbo are a dynamic people, democratic, freedom-loving and achievement-oriented. They are ever open to new ideas and initiatives and are also adaptable, hospitable, egalitarian and abhor injustice. It was, however, in the economic sphere that the Igbos were at their best in the game of competition. In industry, commerce, transportation and services, Igbo businessmen demonstrated unparalleled initiative. This drive is often misconstrued as undue aggressiveness by other Nigerians. On (later called the northern Region) with the Southern Protectorate (comprising the Eastern and Western
Regions) into the polity called groups were brought into this state. The late 1930s marked the beginning of national consciousness
in associates), those who spearheaded the struggle and sustained it until self-government in the 1950s and political independence in 1960 included educated Igbos, many of whom had returned from Azikiwe, soon joined by other Igbo educated elite, was in the forefront of the struggle. He took over the leadership of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC) after the death of its founder Herbert Macaulay in 1946. NCNC was the only national party in the country, with strong
support from every part of regional. However,
wings of militant nationalism, was increasingly marred by an upsurge of ethnic irredentism. This upsurge heralded the rapid ascendancy of regionalist and sectionalist orientation as a dominant factor
in the political struggle. Soon, based regions. But the flames of ethnic/regional mistrust and rivalry continued unabated, to threaten a conflagration that could consume the Republic. The young state stumbled from crisis to crisis until the military staged a coup d’etat and seized political power in 1966. This
background draws attention to two noteworthy points. One is that the history of
Ndi Igbo,
like that of other ethnic groups in indigenous to this Republic as other groups. The second is that Ndi Igbo, like other ethnic nationalities, have their cultural/political system and character traits. Our traditional republican system encapsules a spirit of individual freedom, drive and fair play which seemed to predispose Ndi Igbo more than many ethnic groups to easy absorption of the values of modern democracy and demands of nationhood. It is no surprise that Ndi Igbo, embracing these values, are the most widely
travelled in presumptions
of nationhood about 7 of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s electoral win of the Premiership of Western Nigeria, so early in the morning of national political evolution). 2. OVERVIEW OF MARGINALISATION IN NIGERIAN POLITY 2.1
Preamble Marginalisation is the most topical issue in Nigerian Polity in recent times. There have been claims and counter claims of marginalisation from ethnic groups, States, and geopolitical zones of the polity. It is, therefore, necessary at this stage to define the following: ♦ What is marginalisation? ♦ Who is the marginaliser? ♦ Who is the marginalised and ♦ When was marginalisation introduced into Nigerian polity? 2.2
Marginalisation We define Marginalisation as the deliberate disempowerment of a group of people in the federation politically, economically, socially and militarily, by another group or groups, who during the relevant time frame wield power and control the allocation of materials and financial resources at the Centre of the Federation. Therefore, it entails the apparent deliberate exclusion of any particular group(s) by another similar group or groups from either having access to and or taking due possession of common key positions and common resources, as manifested in the political, economic, military, educational, media and bureaucratic realms. (In other words, the five realms above could be seen as occupying commanding heights of any polity or society.) In essence, for a group to marginalise the other, that group must of necessity, have a functional apex control of combination of these commanding heights of the polity or society. It is necessary to distinguish at this stage between marginalisation and marginality. The two are liable to be innocently, but dangerously, treated as though they were interchangeable. Adedeji (1993) has defined marginality as: “The
relative or absolute lack of power to influence a defined social entity white being a recipient of the exercise of power, by other parts of that entity.” [Ref: In Marginalisation
and Marginality: Context, Issues and View points “ in within the World. Edited A. Adedeji]. Marginality, so defined, refers to the state of being peripheral, without attributing blame to any particular external factor or marginaliser. Thus, a group, which for instance, by systematically insulating itself from the forces of modernity (e.g. Western education) becomes peripheral in terms of such indices of social development as enrolment in tertiary educational institutions, and the supply of high level manpower to the system, and is appropriately described as marginal, if it is outstripped in terms of those parameters by other groups, which have embraced modernity in 8 manpower development. Such marginal groups will be hard put to identify an external marginaliser. The first step out of marginality is for the group to recognise that its status derives from its relative underdevelopment. Unlike marginality, marginalisation necessarily presupposes the existence of an agent, group or groups, which possess the capacity to disempower others or systematically exclude them from the seat of power, where the group’s decisions are made. In general, whereas any given group can attain a state of marginality endogenously, endogenous marginality, for a group, with respect to any given index of socioeconomic development derives, in the main, from the dynamics of that group’s intrinsic or self-inflicted under-development. This lends credence to the view expressed by a prominent Northern politician, Balarabe Musa (former civilian Governor of which exists between the North and the South of the polity since independence in 1960. In an article entitled “The Tragedy of Power” he has this to say: This
is because the clique from the North which dominated and still dominates political
power, Is selfish, shortsighted, unpatriotic and corrupt, just like Its counterpart
In the south. It seems that the clique, in fact, wants the continuation of
the relative backwardness of the North for Its survival as a ruling class [TELL Magazine
No. 46, The author of this article concluded that the backwardness of the North is due to her leadership. This conclusion may also apply to many claims of marginalisation by some other ethnic nationalities where in fact self-induced weakness in some attributes caused marginality in the corresponding areas of public life. It is clear from the clear distinction between marginality and marginalisation that the plight of Ndi
Igbo differs in kind and scope from the claims of most ethnic nationalities
in case of Ndi Igbo, there is no evidence of a deficit of attributes in any area of modern development. But for other entirely different and sinister reasons, the abortive attempt at ethnic cleansing directed at the race through a civil war has ever since transformed into an on-going policy of systematic disempowerment in all sectors. 2.3
Origins and Victims of Marginalisation The process of marginalisation of Ndi Igbo is about to run a full circle. It began in earnest with the civil war which was concluded by Gen. Obasanjo’s marine commandoes. It has hit an ugly climax with the most blatantly partial political appointments of President Obasanjo as elected leader of the Republic. The
history of Marginalisation in ♦ the period up to 1960 and ♦ the period since 1970. 9 In the first period, pre-independence, marginalisation was perpetrated against all Nigerians irrespective
of ethnic or regional affiliation by the colonial master, and regional rivalries, but no group(s) had the power to marginalise the other(s). All ethnic groups operated on a level playing field. However, since 1970, the Igbo ethnic group has been jointly marginalised by the Hausa/Fulani and the Yoruba groups. It took the intervening period (1960-1970) for the forces of ethnic particularism, which had been artificially repressed during the colonial regime, to burst forth, gather momentum, and culminate in a civil war in 1967 which ended in 1970. By the end of the civil war in January 1970 the control of power and the dispensation of economic resources at the centre had fallen absolutely into the hands of the concert of the war victors - a combination of the other ethnic groups, major and minor. The capacity acquired by the victors to marginalise the vanquished was total. Since then, in contravention of the official policy of “no victor, no vanquished” Ndi Igbo have been systematically disempowered in all spheres and excluded
from all top echelons of governance in the Nigerian polity, despite the popular slogan
of the Nigerians during the civil war that “to keep done.” A cursory look at tables 2a, 2b and 3 clearly suggest that (a) the instruments of governance have been the preserve of Northern (mainly Tarawa Angas, Hausa- Fulani, Gwari and Kanuri ethnic groups, so far) and Western ethnic nationalities (Yoruba). Ndi Igbo were totally excluded from executive authority. The Alhaji Shehu Shagari’s civilian government (October 1979 to Dec. 1983) tried to reverse this ugly situation by giving due regard to federal character in the distribution of offices, but before this could take any root he was overthrown by the military and the agenda of marginalisation of Ndi Igbo was put in place once more. With
the advent of civilian democracy, once more, in sigh of relief, for they hoped that it would mean the end of marginalisation of Ndi Igbo. Dr. Alex Ekwueme,
an eminent Igbo son and former Vice President of founders of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), invited all Nigerians to join the party. General Olusegun Obasanjo (Rtd) emerged as the Presidential candidate and won the Presidency on the PDP platform. Ndi Igbo of the South East political zone voted for him massively, and he obtained 70.29% of the votes cast in the zone. The zone was only second to the South-south Zone which gave 76.39% of the total votes cast in that zone. His ethnic group, the Yoruba of the South West Zone, gave him the least support and came last out of the six geopolitical zones with only 22.3% of the total votes cast in the zone. Despite
these political facts and the provisions made in the appointments
into the federal services to show the Federal character of that the present government has thrown these principles overboard once -more, and is determined to continue to marginalise the Igbo, thus reminding them that they were conquered and therefore must
remain second class citizens in had declared “No Victor no Vanquished.” 10 3. VIOLATION OF THE HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF NDI
IGBO DURING THE IMMEDIATE PRE-CIVIL WAR PERIOD 3.1
Preamble We wish to believe that the setting up of the Justice Oputa panel on human rights abuses marks the
dawn of a new era in addressing rights abuses in attracts attention as the era of worst rights violations partly because of the calibre of personalities whose rights were abused but to a large extent, we suspect, because of the ethnic origin of the persons involved. Condemnable as these violations are, they do not compare in magnitude and essence to the atrocities against the Ndi Igbo during the pogroms that proceeded the civil war. We earnestly hope as we present our case to the panel, that the extension of the period of its mandate to cover the era of these heinous atrocities would not be merely “to fulfill all righteousness.” 3.2
Misplaced Aggression The pretext for the unleashing of mayhem on Ndi Igbo was an imaginary conjecture of a grand conspiracy
by Igbo race. This is untrue. outside the knowledge of the civilian population. We denounce the anti-racial slander that the massacres were provoked by this coup d’etat and by Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi’s Unification Decree. The political crisis in the West in particular and the other political considerations that led to this coup
are well known. We have it on good authority that the counter-coup
preemptive of another coup planned for authority that the main aim of the coup planners was the installation of Chief Awolowo, a non- Igbo, as Prime Minister. Later accounts of the sad event have, finally, confirmed that the fact that the
leading politicians of plan and the quick suppression of the revolt by the bulk of the Army, and not the outcome of an imaginary Igbo conspiracy. We concede that this coup was poorly executed and that because of the ethnic origin of the
persons killed as well as the eventual assumption of power by Gen. Ironsi (an
Igbo) the coup d’etat was capable of being misunderstood as an ethnic-biased coup organised mostly by Igbo officers. We insist that the coup was purely a military affair and that Gen. Ironsi was not part of the coup plan and was only invited to office by the circumstance of his position as the most highranking military officer and the General Commanding the Nigerian Army at that time. We note that there have been subsequent coups in our history (some were abortive, yet the ethnic kinsmen of the perpetrators were not visited with pogrom). We also note that subsequent military governments—all, headed by non-Igbos—used exactly the same command structure of unitary system as Ironsi tried to do through the Unification Decree. We
contend that 11 3.3
Waves of Pogrom We contend that what was supposed to be a revengeful response (the waves of pogroms of 1966 May 29, July 29, and September 29) to January 15 coup d’etat and Decree 34, was in fact a grand plan of genocide against Ndi Igbo. In July 29, the ethnic cleansing which began with the murder of Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi and over 300 military officers and men of Igbo origin escalated into the massacre of surprised and unsuspecting Igbo civilians in many towns. Conservative Police estimate of casualties was 3,300. Following assurances of their safety, Ndi Igbo who fled the North as a result of May and July atrocities, returned to their Northern places of domicile, only to be lured two months later into more bloody massacres on September 29. About 50,000 Igbos were killed in the orgies. Were the killings genocidal in intention and execution? Yes. Many independent sources clearly provide strong evidence. One is the report of the judicial Tribunal of Enquiry appointed by
the Government of the then Eastern G.C.M. Onyiuke, headed the Tribunal, which collected and collated evidence from 235 victims and
eyewitnesses. The second source is documented
the genocidal declarations of some leaders of then
Government of Genocide. We therefore summarise the genocidal attempts under the following headings— intentions, scope of the killings, methods, cost and character of the genocide—against the illuminating guidance of international law and civilized behaviour. 3.4
International Law According to Article 11 of the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide adopted on committed with intent to destroy in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as: (a) killing members of the group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. Article III of the same convention stipulates that the following acts should be punished: (a) Genocide (g) Conspiracy to commit genocide (c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide (d) Attempt to commit genocide (e) Complicity in genocide. 12 a combination of the measures listed in the above definition. 3.5
Genocide 3.5.1
Intentions The public statements at the height of every political crisis have consistently revealed a predisposition of other Nigerian leaders to ethnic cleansing as a solution to any differences with Ndi Igbo. In the Northern Region, increasingly frequent threats of property dispossession and physical elimination by its leaders against Ndi Igbo reached a crescendo in the sabre-rattling of members of the House of Assembly in March 1964. The Speech of the Minister of Lands and Survey, Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gashash, was illustrative of the unanimous view of members. He declared: Mr.
Chairman, Sir, I do not like to take up much of the time of this House in making
explanations, but I would like to assure members that having heard their demands
about Ibos holding land in can
to see that the demands of Members are met. How to do this, when to do it, all this
should not be disclosed In due course, you will all see what will happen (Applause). The
situation in western Region was no less threatening. A booklet, entitled UPGAISM was published by the Western Government. In it were displayed photographs of stores and shops run
by “Igbo traders in that these “(Igbo) strangers had expropriated Western land and the fruits thereof.” The Government
of conducted
a campaign of hate against (Igbos)” (Committee an Genocide, Ekwe Nche Organization,
Commission of Jurists, 1969). 3.5.2
Scope of the Genocidal Massacres The
pogroms of 1966 registered the first full determination of threats against Ndi Igbo. An outline of the scope is instructive. Besides the concentrated venom of
many ethnic groups of involved. On the involvement of rulers, Enoch Ejikeme, an Igbo businessman who lived in Katsina for
15 years, told the Onyiuke tribunal “Round about from
the palace carrying sticks, matchets, daggers, axes, etc and all other
dangerous weapons, spread
themselves all over the town, looting and burning houses and shops. Some of the
NA Police
took active part, while others made no attempt to bring the situation under
control... While
the attack continued, the Emir of Katsina, Usman Nagogo, the former Minister
(of 13 Education)
Isa Kaita, Musa Tafida Yar’ Adua, former Minister of Gari, the Emir’s son, were parading the town up and clown cheering them up.” Mr. V. O. Ekwealor, an Igbo motor mechanic and motor transport owner on the role of the
Emir and his aides at Gombe where he had lived for nine years (1957-1966): “On
the 1st of June
the Emir of Gombe was collected by plane for a meeting in meeting
of the councillors on the 3rd of
June, which was attended by Waziri Jallo, the ex-Speaker of
the Federal Parliament, Mohammed Kumoi, Isiaku Gombnor and the village Heads.
After this meeting,
at about 5.30 - 6 p.m. of the same day, as a person living in the centre of the
town opposite
the famous -Jubilee Bar, Gombe, I heard noise from the Victory Bar. I saw
people with bow
sand arrows machetes and guns shooting at the same time. Suddenly there was
shooting on my
windows ... N.A. lorries were transporting many people from the interior into
the town, mainly
hunters...” On foreign involvement, another eyewitness, Dr G. E. Ezekwe, an Igbo Senior Lecturer in
Mechanical Engineering at (1966)
visit of the British High Commissioner (Sir Francis Cumming-Bruce) ... that I
realised how
general must be the feeling among the English staff that the East should go out
of the Federation...
I was stunned to hear them declare that the Easterners resident in the North
should go back to the East and apply their technical ability there...” On the involvement of other ethnic groups, another eyewitness, Mr Paul 1. Okwara revealed to the Tribunal the plot behind the death train ride, reminiscent of the Jewish holocaust: “…It
was announced over report
on 1st of October at the Railway
Station (the waves of pogroms of 1966--May 29, July 29, and
September). George, the Senior Trainer Officer who is a native of Idoma...
He was a member
of Nasara Club, and attended all the meetings where it was decided to kill all
the Ibos in all
the Ibo workers who had reported for duty were killed… (By) the 4th of October
there were still
isolated cases of shooting and beating up of people suspected of being Ibos. We
went back to Sabon
Gari, but the Yorubas we met refused to give me protection... I tried
one or two European friends
but each of them swore they would rather die than give me protection, since
they were warned previously not to give any Ibo man or woman any protection...” Many Igbos who managed to escape from the far north were massacred in the thousands by Idomas and Tivs as they passed through the Middle Belt on their flight to Igboland. The Igbos met similar fate in the hands of the Yorubas in Western Region. In the second waves of massacres during the civil war, the Binis and other non-Igbo military officers of Mid-West origin led the murderous attacks on Ika Ibos (Blood On The Niger, E. Okocha). On
the involvement of the Army, we quote again Mr Paul 1. Okwara: “Exactly at
6.50 p.m.
soldiers in green shirts and trousers invaded the Airport. I had a presentiment
that something
bad was in the air... Soon shots were heard everywhere. That day was declared a public
holiday, and as usual many Ibos came to the Airport... One soldier ordered me
outside and
asked me where I came from. When I told him I was a Mid-Westerner he told me I
was 14 lying...
what I heard was ‘About turn! Quick March! I heard a shot behind me and I fell
down and
passed out... ...Somebody
emerged from under the big table on hearing me. It was Mr Lekettey, a Ghanaian
who apparently was hiding from the savage soldiers. He was my uncle and I his nephew.
This strategy worked wonderfully, and when the soldiers heard us out, they
shouted in unison,
‘why have you been hiding? We don’t want to kill Ghanaians. We are after
Okpara’s brothers.
We are going to finish them off. They took us upstairs, where we saw more dead bodies,
some of whom I recognised. Lekettey and myself gave them ten pounds for drink.
They drank
until say
about Okpara and Ibos: ‘Okpara was their arch enemy who must be destroyed...
All other Igbos
must be destroyed.’ At myself
to get ready because they were going to show us how we have dealt with Okpara’s brothers
and sisters.’ They took us to the Railway Station in an army landrover and
there we saw a
sight I would never like to see again till my dying day. Over 700 men, women
and children had been
mowed down - they had been killed while they were waiting for a train to take
them to our Region.
A few of the children were still creeping over their dead mothers, shouting,
‘Mama, I am hungry;
I want to drink.’ Some were trying to suck their dead mothers’ breasts...’ Next
we were taken
round Sabon Gari. It was the same massacre of Ibos in Hotels where they had
gone to relax
because it was public holiday. All the hotels were literally filled up with
dead bodies. In Sabon
Gari, everywhere we went, we saw dead and dying Ibos. No tinge of compunction
ever touched
the conscience of these soldier, who on the night of October 1 “joined their
civilian brothers to loot, pillage, and kill our kith and kin...” Methods: The methods of the physical liquidation were more bestial and gruesome than the worst holocaust in history. The Report of the International Committee of Jurists on Genocide recorded reports of cases involving the slitting of throats and the chopping of heads in the market place, the slitting open of stomachs of pregnant women and killing of unborn babies, and the plucking of eyes out of their sockets. A witness to Onyiuke Commission, Mr. S. I. Udeng, saw in Makurdi how Igbo victims
“were buried alive in two deep wells. Each well was given a gun shot before
it was actually
closed up with stones and sand.” Another, Daniel Agu, testified how one “Mai
Yanka took
his two-edged sword and cut his (the Igboman’s head like a goat...and the man’s
blood spread
all over our bodies like water spouting from a tap... we were all both
horrified and gripped
by fear.” In Ikeja Barracks ( mixture of human urine and faeces. One method was a throw-back to the infamous Inquisition of the Dark Ages: according to a
witness, Dick Iwobi: “This punishment is one of the most dreadful ways of
crucifying a person. A
heavy rod is tied across the back of the chest of the victim with the hands
stretched and secured
firmly on the rod. While the victim may still be standing on his legs, he is as
helpless as a
man nailed to a cross. In this position, they then proceeded to torture the
victim by plucking his eyes, cutting his tongue or cutting his testicles.” But the tormentors reserved the most horrendous dehumanisation for Eastern (mostly 15 Igbo)
women. According to one witness (Erif Spiff) to the Onyiuke Tribunal: “Many
(Igbo) girls in
the training school in lepers.” Many other young girls were abducted from their homes, workplaces and schools and forced into sexual intercourse with sick, demented men. 3.6
The Cost: In its complaint to the International Commission, the then Biafran Government estimated as follows:
“Properties and investments worth over thirty million pound, owned by the
then Easterners—hotels,
churches, schools, shops, buildings—were damaged or set fire on after looting.” This covers the cost in only narrow material terms. The psychological cost is far higher. This sketch depicts the outline of the most heinous crimes in human history - crimes committed with such absolute impunity that even dangerous vermins that exist outside the law seem to enjoy more rights. The crimes were as wide in scope as the genocide against the Jews but more sadistic and inhuman in implementation than the holocaust. 3.7
The Refugee Problem and Federal Government Insensitivity Sequel to the waves of pogrom, Ndi Igbo in the North fled to the East, many of them maimed and traumatised. They fled the North not because they wanted to but because they had to protect themselves from the massacres that were undoubtedly genocidal in scope. Over 2,000,000 Igbo were involved. This influx of dispossessed and destitute Easterners created an enormous refugee problem in Igbo land. All appeals to the then Federal Government to assist in the rehabilitation of the refugees yielded no results. The Federal Government made matters worse by refusing to pay the salaries of Federal Public Servants who had fled to the East. The obvious consequences of the fleeing of Ndi Igbo to the East include the loss of jobs and property. Many of the returnees died under these circumstances. The Aburi meeting (and accord) of the Supreme Military Council,
the first after the attempt to broker a modus vivendi through the instrumentality of an Ad Hoc constitutional conference agreed amongst many other things on the rehabilitation of the displaced persons: “On employment and recovery of property, that civil servants and corporation staff (Including daily paid employees) who have not been absorbed should continue
to be paid their full salaries until got alternative employment and that the military governors of East, West and the problem of recovery of property left behind by displaced person” [Ref: C Odumegwu
Ojukwu, Row, That the Federal Government reneged on this agreement was obviously in very bad faith. The plight
of Military
Council on 16 3.8
The The
creation of the 12-States structure by Col. Gowon on expediency aimed primarily at completing their siege of Ndi Igbo and frustrating their survival and struggle for self-determination. It dismembered the Igbos as they were split into fragments and
put into different non-Igbo States. Thus, there were Ndi Igbo of Ikwerre/Etche
divisions placed into Mid-West,
some other Ndi Igbo from Azumini and Opobo put in Ndi
Igbo were isolated and land-locked into paralyse Ndi Igbo and incite our neighbours against us. 3.9
Prayers We demand that: 1.
The Federal Government of genocidal pogroms of thousands of innocent unarmed Igbos killed in 1966. General Yakubu Gowon had in September, 1992, taken a lead in this direction on a personal capacity to purge his conscience. (Source, Champion Newspaper 2. The individual perpetrators of the pogroms should be tried before courts of law. 3. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as compensation on behalf of the civil populace of Ndi Igbo for: (a) Estimated 50,000 Ndi Igbo killed in the pogroms in the North (b)
Estimated 10,000 Ndi Igbo who were killed in other parts of 1966-1967, with the Federal Government’s acquiscence 4. Payment of Nl,000,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as compensation on behalf of the civil populace of Ndi Igbo for: (a) Estimated 30,000 Ndi Igbo who were maimed in the pogroms of 1966- 67,
in the North and other parts of (b) Estimated 2,000,000 Ndi Igbo who were psychologically traumatized in the
pogroms of 1966-1967 in the Northern and other parts of 5. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria on behalf of 2,000,000 Igbo refugees in lieu of Rehabilitation and resettlement. 17 6. Payment of N3.6 billion as compensation for properties and investments owned by Ndi Igbo in the North (These include Hotels, Churches, Schools, Shops, Cars, Lorries, Tippers, Buses, Homes) which were destroyed and looted. 7. Payment of (a) Nl,000,000 as per a person as compensation on behalf of Igbo women for 50,000 severely raped during the war. (b) N500000 as per a person to 50,000 assaulted and maimed. 18 4. VIOLATION OF THE HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF NDI
IGRO DURING THE CIVIL WAR 4.1
Preamble After months of unbridled pogrom unleashed on Easterners, mostly Ndi Igbo by the Northerners, those who survived the pogrom ran back to the East for their safety. About 50,000 lost their lives and 2 million fled back to the East. With the threat of annihilation of Easterners in general and Ndi Igbo in particular through economic strangulation still looming large, the Eastern Region government
declared the Independent Republic of Biafra on the lives of Easterners and non-Easterners who were still in the East. Consequently,
a full scale war broke out on into
the Eastern enclave to force the Easterners back to the Biafran soil particularly Igboland, with enormous wanton destruction of life and property including dislocation of people. 4.2
Continuation of Genocide With these dislocations the Biafrans lost their food producing areas. The refugee problem was soon compounded: food shortages, hunger, malnutrition, starvation, disease and death ran riot. But of more deadly concern to the average Biafran, especially the Igboman, was the deep hatred of Igbo race and the reckless abandon and total disregard for any restraints of war convention with which the Nigerian soldiers pursued the war. They showed so much disdain for life and property and destroyed everything in sight with so much glee that Ndi Igbo were confirmed in their
worst fears that the war was nothing but a continuation of Most of the atrocities committed by Nigerian troops during the civil war were evidently outside
the legitimate demands of combat and conquest. soldiers was a propaganda stunt designed to draw foreign attention away from the enormity of massacres and scorched earth destructions being perpetrated in the guise of war. Most foreign observers
saw through this smokescreen in spite of the disinformation of appointed and one-sided “International Observer Team” which never went behind the battle line. We outline here some of the atrocities which mock the Geneva Convention and violated all the Human Rights laws on war. 4.3
Concentration on Civil Targets The Nigerian soldiers, in strict obedience to their genocidal objective of physical extermination, concentrated their attacks on civilian targets. Indeed their war slogan, used in daily broadcasts by government radio to motivate both the soldiers and the civilians, was an unabashed declaration of
genocidal intentions: “Let us go and crush them. We will pillage their
property ravish their womenfolk, murder their menfolk and complete the pogrom of 1966.” 19 A survey of some of the massacres is revealing: We attach affidavits by eye-witnesses of some of the wanton killings. We hereby describe a few—only a few—of the acts of inhumanity: Susan Masid of the French Press Agency reporting this horrifying incident had this to say: “Young
Ibos with terrifying eyes and trembling lips told journalists in Nigerian
troops came from behind, shooting and firing everywhere, shooting everybody who
was running, firing into the homes.” Another
foreign journalist, McArthy William who visited the devastated area of he saw the Federal Army move in. This eye witness account says: “The villages were strewn with the corpses of the peasants caught unawares. The smashed bodies of children cast aside like broken dolls, lay on the rain ditches running alongside the main street. The women, old and young, lay huddled and dead among the wreckages, some with their hands tied behind their backs.” Thus,
Susan Garth, moved by what she saw in murder
of a million children in In Ogwe the Newsweek correspondent describes how a Nigerian, Lt. Lamurde treated a poor
and lonely boy who went in search of his parents in Ogwe, genocide had his hands tied to his legs. The boy pleaded: “‘I am not a soldier. Sweet Jesus, save me.’ This did not register any sympathy, instead Lamurde pumped bullets into his body...” In while others fled and to pray for deliverance. Col. Mohammed’s Second Division found them in the church, dragged them out, tied their hands behind their backs and executed them. This of deliverance instead of fleeing from Federal advance...” One of the attached affidavits in the Appendix
(I i-x) - from Frank Chukwuma Ibegba, an eye-witness - records the CALABAR: Rev. David T. Craig, writing in the Presbyterian Record of December 1967 ( Calabar’:
“A group of Efik people (the local inhabitants) brought two young men in
civilian dress
to the soldiers. The young lads looked like secondary school students. With the
Northern soldiers
was an Efik-speaking soldier. It was his duty to question prisoners In the Efik
language. His
job was to see if any spoke Efik with an Ibo accent. These two young lads did.
The soldiers took aim and they were shot on the spot.” UYO: On entry into Uyo, the Nigerian soldiers embarked on systematic elimination of leaders of thought and their families in a scope reminiscent of the Asaba massacres. 1968 carried on pages 5 and 9 gruesome stories of Nigerian atrocities against Ndi Igbo. In these 20 it
indicated that “in a hospital outside who stayed behind and then went down the wards killing the patients as well.” OKIGWE:
delegates of the International Committee of the Red Cross delegates, two missionaries, several other relief workers and over 100 Biafran civilian men, women and children. ASABA MASSACRES. Asaba was one of the centres of mass killings. The soldiers lured out the civilians into an open field to welcome them. In a pre- meditated plan, they sprayed the civilians with bullets, killing over 700 males. The Asaba massacres were reported in Observer
and documented in E. Okocha’s Blood On the Niger ( the
Senior Editor of Look Magazine said in died when the Mid-West was ‘liberated’ by troops under Col. Murtala Mohammed. The Asaba massacres were replicated in WARRI and SAPELE. General Yakubu Gowon, the then Head of State,
acknowledged this incident recently at an audience with the Asagba of Asaba (Daily Champion,
the atrocities, abuse of their human rights during the war at a function (Nigeria Prays) in Ebonyi State in 1998. Massacre of all was a general pattern of Nigerian troops whenever they entered a town. A detailed and carefully documented account of the massacres in Asaba and the then Mid-West
is BLOOD ON THE NIGER by Emma Okocha ( which
a Jew, Naomi Siegel of the Jewish holocaust.” Emma
Okocha concludes: “Throughout the week in scattered locations the exterminations
continued. Because it was beyond understanding, we shall close by inviting here David
Astor who on the anniversary of the exterminations are themselves related to lesser killings... We must learn more of the fatal fearful process of thought which makes people feel not only justified but that they have a duty to destroy others. We cannot tell what may excite this process of mass psychology. Its next form may not be racial or religious but political as has happened before in times of revolution or civil wars ... 4.4
Bombing, Concentration on Civilian Targets The testimony of Ndi Igbo that Nigerians have concentrated on non-military targets is well illustrated by the following records which are intercepts of coded messages from Nigerian communications revealing that the instruction to bomb civilian targets are official: [1)
“Co/Calabar/Ca: Do
not allow anything to stand. Calabar Airforce Base: Roger All right,
Sir. (Received 13.50
bra [2]
Nigerian CO at Calabar (from) Calabar Airforce Base (to) Calabar CO Bombing 21 should
be done on the fishing port area and all the areas of .Ikot-.rfi-at and Ikot Offiong.
Calabar Airforce Base—Roger All Right Sir. (Received 11. 05 hrs [3]
From: Lt. Col. Adekunle (PH) - To NAF Commander (Calabar) NAF (Calabar) - We
will only do one mission because the bombs are not enough. Which is the
important one?
Lt. Col. Adekunle (PH): Go to Azumini and mad.
(Received 10-30 his [4]
NAF PH/NAF Calabar; NAF/PH.- What is the weather like? NAF/CAL: Fair, Sir. NAF/PH:
Ok, go and bomb Azumini and Akwete and follow it until the river. NAF/CAL: Ok,
Sir, Tiger-fighter bomber. NAF/PH: When you come back, the tiger should go to area.
NAF/CAL: What targets, Sir? NAF/PH: The town itself. Chase them like mad. They
should run away. Received After
the bombing of seen
things in sicken
the conscience. I have seen children roasted alive, young girls torn in two by
shrapnel, pregnant
women viscerated and old men blown to fragments. I have seen the ethingsandi
have seen
their cause.- high sounding Russian Ilynshin lets operated by Federal their
bombs on civilian targets throughout As mentioned in the intercepted messages, the object of Nigerian daily bombing missions in the war is to destroy all civilian lives. Itu Leper Colony was razed to the ground by air attack on Nigerian
jets bombed the heart of the residential area of prominent medical practitioner, Dr. Augustine Onyejiaka. A foreign journalist, Walter Partington of Daily
Express reported on Nigerians
targetted solely civilian institutions—Christ the Grammar
School, Anglican All Saints Cathedral Court and scores of various residential areas in the town. 4.5
Scorched Earth Policy The famous order of the Commander of the Marine Commanders, Lt.Col. Adekunle, to his troops to shoot anything that moves summarises the Nigerian military attitude of total and indiscriminate destruction of Igboland during the war. As most of the affidavits attached here reveal, this Scorched Earth policy was religiously implemented. The report of the International Commission
of jurists on Genocide observes (p.18): “A number of witnesses testified to
the fact that
especially In the villages predominantly populated by Biafran citizens, there
was utter destruction
of all structures for human habitation, livestock and farms, Witnesses
mentioned villages
around used.” 22 The policy also had the underlining sinister objective of the Final Solution a la Nazi. The Report
of the International Committee on Genocide records: “There are witnesses who
testified to
the fact that in most areas where troops of the Federal Authority entered,
peoples of Biafran (most
Igbo) origin were loaded on to trucks and taken out of the towns. It was
explained that these
people were sent into jungles where the older ones were assembled and shot, and
their bodies
were left to be disposed of by the wild beasts that roam the jungles. The
younger men were
sorted out and posted to the units of the Federal Army where they were used as
cannon fodder
in attacks on Biafran positions. It was testified to me that the children were
sent to the Northern
region to be sold into slavery, and the women were made to serve in the camps
of the Federal troops, where they were ravished.” The area where this method was first used was Nsukka. A number of other witnesses mentioned
other places, such as Asaba, 4.6
Rape and Dehumanisation of Igbo Women Some of the attached affidavits contain stories of rape and humiliation of women. Detective Police
Corporal in Police Headquarters, raped on the streets before they were killed. In Lejja in Nsukka, Mr. Sylvester Mabubuattah certified that they (the soldiers) busied themselves burning houses, looting peoples’ property and raping
women. The witness declared: “One Omeke family comprising eleven people was
met intact
by the Hausa. They killed the husband and the wife of the family eliminated
seven other children
and relatives of the family and carried away two grown up girls from this very
family. Till today, the whereabouts of these girls has not been known.” In Unwana, another eye-witness, Samuel
Inyang, deposed that in the village square “near the salga latrine, I saw
five women and eight
children all lying down dead... each and everyone of the five women and three
girls of the eight children had long sticks pushed through their external genitalia.” This hostility, a part of large-scale massacre of the villagers, was discovered after a five-day conquest occupation of Unwana by Nigerian troops. 4.7
Maltreatment of War Prisoners Igbo war prisoners received the most gruesome treatment from their Nigerian captors. The International
Commission reports one witness as being “the last of a queue of Biafran
Prisonersof- War
who were having their eyes plucked out, and that he was able to run away with
one eye because
when it came to his turn, an alarm was given of a Biafran advance and the
plucker had to run for his gun, thus making it possible for him to escape with one eye...” One
of the factors that compelled international outcry against the reckless killings. Before proclamation of the Code of Conduct, the International Red Cross had lodged protests with the Federal Military Authority in January 1968 and March 1968, with regard to the inhuman excesses of its army concerning treatment of Biafran prisoners of war and civilian population. Even after the proclamation of the Code, 23 of
war in a manner inconsistent with the Geneva Convention.” It also admitted
“some evidence of the non-observation of this Convention.” (Report of the International Jury, 30). It was 4.8
Hunger existence of condition of maximum food shortage in Igboland through capture of the food producing areas, wanton destruction of farmlands and crops, and obstruction of supplies of foreign
aid. Consequently, mass starvation and death became the order of the day in Daily
Telegraph ( famine
situation in Province
will die from disease caused by malnutrition. Other doctors with more
experience of Organisation
into 1968)
reported: “The supplies for distribution to needy persons on the Federal side of the battle fronts...” A minimum of 1,000 persons
died everyday in Besides
deliberate denial of food, the Biafran health workers and other scientists discovered arsenic acid in bags of salt, sugar and tins
of milk and tomatoes infiltrated into Government. 4.9
The “Final Solution” That all the bestialities sketched above have the character of the Final Solution is underlined by the style of disposing of the dead. The Investigator of Committee of the International Committee notes
in the Report: “I had evidence from eighteen witnesses who mentioned
themselves as being eyewitnesses
to burials From two of this number, I obtained the testimony that, especially
in the mass
graves at Asaba, the wounded and sick Biafrans, and a few suckling, were dumped
together with
the dead, and that during the sealing of these trenches with their loads of the
dead, the cries and
the waiting of the sick, the wounded and the babies, could be heard from a long
distance away.
In this testimony, It was also mentioned that, when these mass graves had been
covered, the Federal soldier, danced native war dances over them.” Evidence of conduct of the war in a manner inconsistent with Geneva Convention is overwhelming. The International Committee in the Investigation of Crimes of Genocide carried out exhaustive investigation of the evidence, interviewing 1082 people representing all the actors in the dispute (the two sides of the civil war and international collaborators). After a thorough painstaking research, the Commission concludes, through its Investigator (Dr. Mensah of (mainly Igbos) and a wish to exterminate them was a foremost motivational factor.” 24 4.10
Prayers We demand that: 1. The perpetrators of the war crimes be tried before courts f law. 2. Payment of accumulated salaries and allowances due from May, 1966 to 1970, as well as N100,000 per person, as compensation by the Federal Government of Nigeria for unjustified inconveniences suffered by all Igbo who were forcibly displaced and lost their jobs. 3. Payment by Federal Government of N500 billion as compensation for investments and businesses owned by Ndi Igbo but destroyed in various parts of Igboland from 1967-70, including Enugu Market, Onitsha Market, Aba Market, Oguta Market, Orlu Market, Owerri Market, Umuahia Market, Nnewi Market, Afikpo Market, Otuocha Market, Abakaliki and Okigwe Markets, Industries, Factories and Corporate businesses, by the Federal
Government of 4. Construction of at least fifteen (15) Secondary Schools, twenty (20) Primary Schools, one (1) Hospital, four (4) Markets, one (1) Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN)- recognised Church, in each of the one hundred and five (105) Local Government Areas of Ndi Igbo and Igbo-Speaking areas, by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as reparation for the bombing of these targets. 5. Payment by Federal Government of N500,000 for each of the estimated 600,000 Igbo civilians killed, from 1967-1970, as compensation for targetting unarmed civilians who were not involved with war. 6. Payment of N500,000 per child as compensation on behalf of an estimated 900,000 Igbo children who died as a result of malnourishrnent due to the economic blockage against the
Biafrans, by the Federal Government of 7. Payment of Nl,000,000 per child as compensation, on behalf of an estimated 2,000,000 Igbo children who suffered permanent intellectual retardation due to malnuourishment, from 1967-1970, as a result of economic blockage against Biafrans, by the Federal Government
of 8. A public apology and financial compensation at Nl,000,000 each by the Federal Government
of (700) unsuspecting Ndi Igbo of Asaba origin in Asaba, who were lured to a reception and massacred
on 9. (a) Payment of Nl,000,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria as compensation on behalf of other estimated three hundred (300) Ndi Igbo maimed in Asaba. 25 (b) Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria in respect of
700 Asaba indigenes killed on 10. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria as compensation in respect of an estimated eight hundred (800) Igbo civilians killed by Nigerian soldiers in
other parts of 11. Allocation of a special grant of N500,000 for the immediate completion of the reconstruction
of civil war. 12. Payment of N1,000,000 per person as compensation by the Federal Government of 26 5. VIOLATION OF THE HUMAN AND CIVILIAN P.IGHTS OF NDI
IGBO IN THE IMMEDIATE POST-WAR ERA 5.1
Preamble The Gowon regime offered the world a cheerful hope of immediate return of peace, speedy reconciliation
and purposeful healing of war wounds through its declared policy of “No
Victor No Vanquished” and “Reconciliation Rehabilitation and Reconstruction.” But the activities on the ground clearly showed that the reconciliatory posture was a smokescreen behind which acts of injustices and cruelty against Ndi Igbo continued. Infact the barrage of atrocities raged with so much intensity after the ‘end” of the war that observers concluded that the Federal authorities were continuing the war by other means and that the 3 R’s were indeed three S’s (Strangulation! Strangulation! and Strangulation!). We hereby itemise some of the atrocities beneath the cloak of 3 R’s in the following three S’s: 5.2
Social Strangulation 5.2.1
Physical Liquidation: Although
the Nigerian Civil War ended officially on continued to kill defenceless civilians in Igboland during the first few months of the post-war era. It was during this period of ‘reconciliation’ that our distinguished Political Scientist, Dr. Kalu Ezera, was killed by Nigerian soldiers. It was also in this peacetime that Col. Tim Onwuatuegu was killed in cold blood by Nigerian soldiers in the domain of the First Division commanded
by then Col. Theophilus Danjuma (who incidentally is today). These two instances are only illustrative. The widespread murder violated internationally accepted norms and ethics of civilised conduct of wars. 5.2.2
Continuation of Starvation Policy: At the end of the war, Igboland lay prostrate, battered and devastated from the horrors of the war. Its social and economic infrastructure was in utter ruins. Massive food shortages and serious absence of medical facilities and services resulted in avoidable deaths. The destitution, famine and deprivation in the first months after the war were more distressing than during the war. This pathetic situation followed the insensitivity of the Federal Military Government. It rejected and turned
away sources of foreign help; turned
down by the Federal Government (Ref. John d. Jorre: The Nigerian Civil
War-London 1972. p. 403). The Federal Government seemed to be continuing to wage the war by other means, in accordance with its war policy that starvation is a legitimate weapon of war. 5.2.3
Mass Dismissal of Igbo Public Servants 27 By the “Public Officers (Special Provisions) Decree No. 46 of 1970,” thousands of Igbo officers were denied reinstatement in the Armed Forces, Prisons and the Police, were denied reabsorption into
the on record that in what can be regarded as a symbolic gesture, a Police officer, Charles Mashie, got his job back after he took his case to General Gowon who ordered his immediate reinstatement in accordance with the declared policy, yet thousands of others (many of them are still alive) lost their jobs. Besides mass dismissals, there was silent but evident policy of exclusion that ensured that no Igbo man emerged in any commanding position in the armed forces, police and other paramilitary forces. 5.2.4
Destruction of Education, Our Invaluable Heritage Education plays a more critical role among the Igbo as a life source than in the world view of any other ethnic nationality. Aware of this, the Federal Government tried though various insidious
means to destroy this heritage. and has, to-date, been subjected to a policy of benign neglect. There was also silent embargo on new educational projects: during his first tenure of rule, Obasanjo established six polytechnics, sited
them all over The war-time technological achievements of Ndi Igbo were allowed to rot away. The Federal
Government took over inventions as remote-control bombs (ogbunigwe), refined petrol and petroleum products and distilled wines and spirits, among other break-throughs) and stifled its growth. A generation of Igbo youth, among them the most talented and skilled in Black Africa, was
thus suffocated by victorious In expression of this disposition, churches and foreign Christian educational institutions which owned and managed most of the post-secondary schools in Igboland, were not allowed to return to provide sorely needed rehabilitation. Furthermore, other channels of education and educational contacts were closed. The U.S Embassy was not allowed to reopen its library in 5.2.5
Social ostracism Throughout
the length and breath of objects of derision and discrimination. Traders and artisans had, like untouchables and third-class citizens, to beg to sub-rent shops and occupational facilities from other Nigerians, generally contracted as the legal and acceptable tenants. 5.3
Economic Strangulation 5.3.1
Denial of pre-war savings 28 The Civil War, writes Chinua Achebe (The Trouble with Nigeria, 1983, p. 45 and 46) gave nation. Some hard-liners in Gowon’s regime, successfully got the regime to adopt a banking policy which nullified any bank account which had been operated during the war. A flat sum of twenty pounds was approved for each Igbo depositor of the Nigerian currency, regardless of the amount of deposit. It should be noted that only a microscopic fraction of Biafrans had Nigerian currency, and even of this number only few were able to deposit their money with the Central Bank of Nigeria representatives supervising the exercise. The injustice of the whole exercise is obvious.
An equitable arrangement, if the period from which
bank accounts to the status quo ante-Biafra that is, to their balances as at 29 May 1967. 5.3.2
Exclusion from the commanding heights of the economy The indigenisation Decree which followed soon after the arbitrary award of N20 completed the routing of Ndi Igbo from the commanding heights of the Nigerian economy. Only two years after the war, when Ndi Igbo were still in their economic doldrums, the Finance Minister Chief Awolowo contrived to auction off the Nigerian economy to the “indigenes” via the so-called Enterprises Promotion Decree (1974). The timing of the policy ensured the effective exclusion of Ndi
Igbo from ownership in participate. As the vanquished were dispossessed of what they had, the victors were deliberately empowered through the banks to purchase our national patrimony. 5.3.3
Abandoned Property Policy Before
the war, by
the Ikwere sub-group who had leased it to mainly
by hinterland Ndi Igbo who owned most of the houses in Harcourt
and present Province
around 1946, with that
they were free to reside and pursue their life endeavours in Nigerians
should be free to reside and pursue their livelihood in any part of therefore
threw their weight behind the development of Harcourt municipality was Chief Richard Nzimiro of Oguta, the second Mayor was Chief Allagoa
of Nembe while the third was Chief F.U. Ihekwaba of Ikwere. In other words, Ndi
Igbo were
very deeply involved in the political and economic life of When than
to leave residents
naturally returned to surprise, the riverine people, hitherto residing mainly in their creeks and islands domains, had been
instigated to come to the mainland and take possession of the houses belonging
to Ndi Igbo. This was made possible by the initiative of the Rivers State Government with the active support
of the Nigerian troops. Some of the Igbo landlords who went back to 29 argue their legal rights and insist on regaining their properties by resisting the possession of their houses, were either brutally assaulted or killed. Shocked by this violation of their rights, the property-owners turned to Federal Government to assist them to re-possess their houses. The Abandoned Property Issue remained unresolved until the overthrow of General Gowon. Upon the accession to power by General Murtala Muhammed, he set up the Col. S. F. Daramola Panel (September, 1975) to look into the issue. Many Igbo felt that General Murtala would be more humane than his predecessor because of his revolutionary utterances. The decision
of Murtala’s government as announced on government arrived at the following decisions: The allocation of N14 million to enable Rivers and South-eastern States to pay a flat rate of N500 a year on every building property confiscated from the Igbo as rent arrears for a period of five years from 1970-1975. The Federal and State governments were to purchase compulsorily some of the building properties concerned for their respective
use [Ref: “Former rulers found Guilty” Lagos Daily Times, The remaining ones were to be sold to the indigenes of the state who would require to pay a fair price to respective owners. The government white paper also authorised the Rivers and Southeastern State which they have had to face since the end of the war. Those who dared return to claim their homes after the war were killed and buried in mass graves. The Ikwerre Aros live as refugees in their own country, another arrow at the conscience of the nation, another reminder that Ndi Igbo do not live on the lee side of the law. 5.3.4.
No Reconstruction The ‘R’ for Reconstruction was, like all the other Rs, meant to deceive the outside world. No reconstruction of any facility - schools, road, health institution, communication network or any other infrastructural works - was undertaken by the Federal Government. The signal which the Federal
Government and the rest of was “Good for you. Stew in your juice” - in spite of their loud rhetorics about reconciliation. The Administrator
of ₤400
million for reconstruction of war damages. The Federal Government did not
release any substantial share because it claimed that it had no money. Yet, within the same period, the then head of the military Government, General Gowon, announced that revenue was not a problem for spending colossal sums on preparations for the hosting of Festac. Evidently, the denial of economic reconstruction help to war-torn Igboland was prompted by reasons other than poor treasury. 5.3.5
Denial of source of livelihood to poor Igbo traders The 1971 Federal government ban on the importation of second hand clothing and stockfish was calculated to throw the ordinary Igbo masses whose livelihood depended on the petty trade into 30 penury and disarray. 5.3.6
Excision of Igbo Mineral-Rich Areas from Igboland and Neglect of Mineral Finds
in Igbo
Areas Through boundary adjustment, some mineral - rich areas of Igbo land were transferred to Rivers and former Cross Rivers State (now Akwa Ibom area). As the TSM (October 4, 1993) reported, the Obasanjo regime in its boundary adjustment exercise in 1976, pushed the Ndoni/Egbema area
and parts of Ndoki South of the Besides this, the Federal Government ignored, as a non-issue, mineral finds within Igboland (probably because the sites could not be merged with non-Igbo areas). Oil find in Nsukka area by SAFRAP (a Federal Oil Company) was sealed up with the expulsion of the Company during the war, and to date the Federal Government has not ordered resumption of activities.
Natural Gas find in Ugwuoba, the largest deposit in strategic reserve. 5.4
Political Strangulation 5.4.1
Exclusion from Political Apex With the exception of the Administrator of East Central State, Mr. Ukpabi Asika (1967-1975) Ndi Igbo had no representation in all the political and security organs which constituted the apex of political authority - Supreme Military Council and Security Council. Igbo “citizens” were to be seen, not heard. 5.4.2
Political Manipulation of Demographic Figures A survey of Nigerian demographic exercises revealed a studied attempt to depress the population of Igbo race Lithe two other major ethnic groups. In the 1952-53 non-politicised census (Table 1), organised by the British, lVdi.rgLio rated the second largest ethnic group - and this, in spite of the fact, as the British themselves admitted, Ndi Igbo were under-counted by 10-15% because of two factors (the unhealed alienation
of the people as a result of the suffered the same under- enumeration in 1963 census. But from this period, political manipulation of census figures, to inflate the population of the North and the Yorubas of the West, and to reduce the population of Igbos, has become a standard practice. Table I points up certain absurdities: (i) the phenomenal rabbit-like increase of the population of the Northern tribes and 31 West’s Yoruba, as against the growth performance of the population of Ndi Igbo. (ii) the increasing reduction of Igbo race to a minority ethnic group. Compare, for example, the demographic growth of two groups, Igbos and Yorubas. Figures in Table
1 show that the population of Igbos in 17.16%
in 1952/53, to 13.48% in 1991, of the total population of represents a decrease of about 3.68% over a period of 38 years, a decrease of 0.10% per year. Therefore, in 1999, the figure is projected to decrease by 12.68%. In
the same period, the population of the Yorubas in increased
from 16.00% in 1952/53 to 17.60% in 1991, of the total population of represents an increase of about 3.88% over a period of 38 years - an increase of about 0.05 = 0.1% per year. Therefore, in 1999, the figure is projected to increase by 20.68%. 5.5
Prayers We demand: 1. A
restoration of all Igbo land carved into re-delineation of State boundaries, and to incorporate into the appropriate Igbo States all Igbo towns exercised from such States during the creation of States. 2. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria as compensation on behalf of 10,000 Igbo civilians and Biafran soldiers who surrendered and were killed within three months after the official declaration of the
end of the war on 3. A restoration of all bank accounts of the Igbo, with accrued interest, who had been
operating account within Government
of 4. Payment of an average of N300,000 per adult Igbo, by the Federal Government of underpayment of a flat rate of C20 to depositors in 1970, irrespective of their war savings
between flat rate because of difficulties of access to CBN representatives. 5. Payment of N900 billion as compensation to Ndi Igbo, by the Federal Government
of result of the flat rate P-20 payment and other savings irrespective of the amount in 1970, which gravely damaged their ability to compete fairly with other Nigerians in purchase of assets during the indigenisation exercise (1974 Enterprises Promotion Decree) and in all other spheres of the economy. 32 6. Payment of accumulated salaries and allowances due from 15th January, 1970 to date, to all public officers; reinstatement of displaced Igbo public officers; and formal disengagement of those not re-instated (including the payment of their retirement benefits) as the case may be, by the Federal Government of Nigeria. 7. Payment of accumulated salaries and allowances due from 15th January, 1970 to date, to all Igbo Military, Police and other para-military officers who were displaced as a result of the pogroms; re- instatement or formal disengagement of those not re-instated (including the payment of their retirement benefits) as the case may be, by the Federal Government of Nigeria. 8. For equity and balance, the creation of at least one more State and at least additional 50 Local Government Areas in the South-East Zone. 9. The repossession by Ndi Igbo of their properties which were compulsorily acquired in contradiction of the provisions of the 1963 Constitution, Section 31 (1), No. 20, which was in operation at that time, by the Rivers State Government, Cross
Civil War. 10. Payment of rentable values including the interests thereof from 1970 until the repossession of these properties by their rightful owners by the appropriate Governments and other parties for properties compulsorily acquired. 11. Payment of N500,000 per child by Federal Government of Nigeria in respect of an estimated 250,000 Igbo children who died immediately after the war as a result of the continuation of the starvation policy. 33 6. VIOLATION OF THE HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF NDI
IGBO IN THE LATER POST-WAR EPA (MID-SEVENTIES TO DATE) 6.1
Preamble From the pattern of marginalisation of Ndi Igbo in distribution of employment and infrastructure since the end of post-war “reconstruction” to date, it seems that there is in place an unwritten policy of total disempowernment of Ndi Igbo in economic, political, military, bureaucratic, social
and media spheres. The undeclared policy seems to enforce total exclusion of Ndi
Igbo from all sensitive posts. Observed persistent pattern of appointments confirms the allegation that exclusion from high military command should last for at least fifty years from the end of the civil war (30 years after the civil war, army has not produced a high-ranking Igbo officers considered fit and safe to head a division). Our constitution (1979, 1999) are most eloquent on administration of equity and justice in distribution of rights. Decree No. 34 of 1996 make elaborate provisions on equitable distribution of jobs and facilities. Under the fundamental objectives and directive principles of State policy, 1999
Constitution, Section 14. 3) states that “the composition of the Government
of the Federation
or any of its parts and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such
a manner as
to reflect the Federal character of also
to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no
predominance of persons from a few ethnic or Other sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies.” Pursuant to the above provision, the Federal Character Commission, which was set up, worked out a guideline which provides that: at the national level the indigene,, of a state sl7all constitute not less than 2.5% and not more than 3% and the indigenes of a zone sl7all constitute not less than 15% and not more than 18%. The distribution of employment and facilities in major sectors will show a consistent violation of the Federal Character provisions and a pattern of disempowerment against Ndi Igbo. 6.2
Political Disempowerment 6.2.1
States Creation The process of marginalisation of Ndi Igbo was ab initio built into a gross injustice perpetrated through the creation of states and local governments, as they are the basic units of sharing of Federal amenities. The official mind-set of preemptive malice and genocidal siege strategy, which prompted the maiden national exercise of war-winning12-states structure of 1967, has apparently
continued to guide subsequent exercises. Accordingly, Ndi Igbo of South East
zone who
rank in population with the Yoruba of South West zone and Hausa/ Fulani of
North West
zone have continued to be allocated a number of states pointedly lower than the shares
of these zones. 34 At present, the table below summarises the distribution of states and local governments among the six geopolitical zones in the country. State
and Local Government Area Distribution Amongst the Geo-political Zone. S/ NO ZONE NO. OF STATES NO. OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS 1 2 3 4 5 6 North-Central North-East North-West South-West South-South South-East 6 (16.67%) 6 (16.67%) 7 (19.44%) 6 (16.67%) 6 (16.67%) 5 (13.89%) 116 (15.19%) 110 (14.36%) 181 (23.69%) 138 (18.01%) 127 (16.58%) 94 (12.27%) Total 36 766 Ndi Igbo have 5 States and 94 Local government areas, out of 36 States and 766 Local government areas. Clearly, Ndi Igbo of South East zone have the lowest number of states and local
government areas, yet the zone is by no means the least populated. From
being one of the three
main racial groups in geopolitical
maneuvers and demographic manipulations to a minority status. 6.2.2
Exclusion from Political Apex: With the exception of Major-General Aguiyi Ironsi, no Igbo man has occupied the political apex of exclusion. Table 2b underlines the ethnic and regional character of this exclusion. Two points are clear from these tables: (a) Of all the ethnic nationalities, major or minor, whose members have occupied the political apex, Ndi Igbo, acknowledged as one of the three majorities
in (b) Of all the former Ethno/Regional “Establishments,” the Hausa- Fulani/Northern Regional Establishment produced 8 executive heads and ruled for 34 out of the 39 years, the Yoruba/West produced 2 executive heads and ruled up to the time of this write-up) 31/2 years, the Igbo/East produced only one executive head and ruled 6 months less than one, year! Table 3, illustrating the pattern of distribution of other top political posts below the apex - governors and ministers - establishes 35 a similar truth. 6.2.3
New Heights in Marginalisation (Obasanjo regime): If the history of skewed appointments since independence leaves any one in doubt about the emergence of a pattern, the Obasanjo regime has cleared such doubts. No regime has betrayed so much disdain for the rights of Ndi Igbo in its appointments as the Obasanjo regime. We review the appointment so far. i
National Security Council: - South West (Yoruba) 4 (including the President) North Central 3 North East 2 (including Vice-President) South South 1 South East (Igbo) 0 The absence of any person from the South-East zone contravenes section 14(3) of the 1999 constitution, especially as paragraph (1) of section 25 of part 1.1 3rl schedule of the 1999 constitution dealing with the composition of the National Security Council provides that two additional members may be appointed to the National Security Council at the President’s discretion. ii.
Armed Forces: The South East does not presently have any Major-General or the ranks above it in the Nigerian Army, or the equivalent rank in the Nigerian Air Force and the Nigerian Navy and therefore, cannot produce any of the Service Chiefs. Moreover, the number of officers of South-east zone is far short of the one sixth of the total as required by Section 14(3) of the 1999 constitution. iii.
Out of 16 top Police officers, viz, IG, DIGS & AIGS, there is only one AIG of South-East origin, contrary to the constitutional requirements in Section 14(3). Also, the South-East Zone under the present structure of the Nigeria Police Force, would appear to be a colonised territory because: ♦ Abia, Ebonyi and Imo States Commands report to the AIG in Calabar (South-south zone). There is need for the zonal structure of the Nigeria Police Force to be changed so that the 36 Police State Commands in the South East Zone constitute its own zone with its zonal office based in the South-East zone, to which all the state commands of the 5 South Eastern States will report, as is the arrangement in other geopolitical zones. iv.
Allocation of Ministries We quote the protest of South East Zone of ruling Peoples Democratic Party: We
note that in the allocation of Portfolios to the Ministers appointed, there is
a gross
imbalance against the South-East Zone in the number and importance of the portfolios.
Persons from the South- East Zone were given 3 Cabinet Ministerial positions,
which is the lowest number of all the Zones, and 4 Ministers of State. For comparative purposes, it may be noted that South-West
has 5 Cabinet Ministers (excluding Petroleum under The President) and 4 Ministers
of State. North-West
has 6 Cabinet Ministers and 4 Ministers of State. North-Central
has 4 Cabinet Ministers and 3 Ministers of State. North-East
has 4 Cabinet Ministers and 4 Ministers of State. South-South
has 4 Cabinet Ministers and 4 Ministers of State. It is
a matter of regret that the President did not follow the zoning of
ministerial offices as
approved by the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the Party at its meeting
of 18th May,
1999. The zoning was as follows: Group A Group B Group C Group D 1. Petroleum 7. Internal Affairs 13. Education
19. Science & Tech 2. Finance 8. External Affairs 14. Health
20. Information 3. Defence 9. Communications 15. Water
Resources 21. Aviation 4. Transport 10. Industries 16. Solid
Minerals 22. Youth & Sports 5. Works 11. Agriculture 17. Commerce
23. Urban Affairs 6. F. C. T. 12. Power and Steel 18.
Justice 24. Labour This would have ensured each geopolitical Zone getting a Ministry from each of the four groups of Ministries. But as it turned out the Ministries allotted to the various Zones were as follows: 37 North-West North-Central North-East 1. Agriculture and Rural 1. Commerce 1. Defence 2. Communications 2. Industries 2. Environment 3. Foreign Affairs 3. Police Affairs 3. F.
C. T. 4. Solid Minerals 4. Sports and Soc. Devt 4.
Finance 5. Water Resources 6. Women and Youths South-West South-South South-East 1. Aviation 1. Justice 1. Culture and
Tourism 2. Education 2. Labour & Productivity 2.
Health 3. Information 3. Science and Tech 3. Transport 4. Internal Affairs 4. Works and Housing 5. Power and Steel From
the above, it can be seen that not only has the South-,East been short-changed in
the number of Cabinet Ministers allotted to it, but also from the Zonal
distribution of Ministries, it has suffered as no ministry from Group 8 was allotted to it.” The Igbo in absolute bewilderment are asking when they will be properly integrated back into the Nigerian Polity and given their rightful position in the running of the affairs of their beloved country? 6.3
Social Disempowerment 6.3.1
Employment in the Federal Sector (a). In spite of this elaborate provision of the constitution that there should be no predominance of a few ethnic or other sectional groups and in spite of the powers given to the Federal Character Commission in this regard, some ethnic groups and some sectional groups have continued to have predominance in share of employment at the expenses of some other ethnic groups especially Ndi Igbo. 38 The deliberate under-representation in aggregation of States, effected by giving Igbo ethnic group less number of States than its population merits is a predictable ploy to ensure that Ndi Igbo will be permanently short-changed in the distribution of employment and other resources. Today, Ndi Igbo (South-East) lag, in the distribution of employment and amenities., behind the Yorubas (South-West) and the Hausa-Fulani (North-West), the two other major ethnic groupings with which Ndi Igbo rank in population. The situation in representations and employments in International Organisations in Igbo have been the worse off. It is a major part of the marginalisation plan and cynical divideand- rule tactic that for all positions coming to the southern zones, those at the helm of affairs have always contrived to head such positions away from the Igbo zone (South East) in favour of the other two zones especially the South West (Yoruba) in furtherance of the marginalisation of Ndi Igbo. Admittedly, some other zones from the north are also disadvantaged in terms of number of staff, but the reason, unlike the case of the South-East (where there is abundant and available relevant manpower in all fields of human endeavour), is that the zones have a paucity of the requisite manpower. In this respect, we had earlier made the distinction between marginality and marginalisation. 6.3.2
Racial Discrimination (a)
Exploitation The presence of Ndi Igbo, a diaspora people, boosts the population figures of their resident States in census counts. Also, the contributions of the Igbo residents help the economy of the States. Yet, the Igbo residents are denied the full benefits of citizenship in all such States in many subtle but effective ways. Such ways include: (i)
Exclusion from the benefits of Federal Character Law: Dispensations (such as scholarships and employments) which flow to States which means explicit geopolitical basis of States, not tribes) are shared by their governments exclusively to the indigenes, as against the stranger residents, normally Igbos. (ii)
Differential civil obligations: Different tax assessments and school fees operate in favour of the indigenes, against the detriment of “stranger elements”, mainly Igbos. The heaviest loser in this legal network of exploitation is Igboland. In a country where population size is a vital variable in revenue sharing, Igboland loses the head-count of millions of her children in diaspora during national census (Igbos in diaspora constitute at least 50% of the overall Ndi Igbo population). Yet, she is made to
bear and suffer the grim natal obligations for these millions whom 39 protection of citizenship and residency rights through the manipulations of “State of origin” proviso. (b)
Discrimination and attacks in business Igbo
businesses suffer also from many other discriminating laws. In unprovoked molestation of Igbo entrepreneurs in August 1999, resulting in arson on Igbo hotels, restaurants
and businesses. This was followed soon after by similar destruction in following the islamation of the State. Again, all these acts seemed to enjoy immunity from the law. The nearest which Ndi Igbo got to an official acknowledgement of injustice was President Obasanjo’s reply to the letter of protest of Dr Orji Uzo Kalu, Governor of Abia State, in which he expressed his satisfaction that Katsina State Government had taken measures against a recurrence of such incidents. Officialdom was, as usual, coldly silent on compensation for destroyed business or punishment of offenders. (c)
Society’s Scape-goats Finally, the Ndi Igbo have always been the favourite scapegoats of the various ethnic political and religious conflicts and clashes in the country. The property of Ndi Igbo are frequently looted whenever there is group conflict, whether or not an Igbo is involved. Such conflicts and violent clashes include (i)
The (ii) the Buluta Maiduguri riot of 1982; (iii) the Yola riot of February 1984; (iv) the Gombe riot of April 1985; (v) the Kaduna Religious crisis of March 1987; (vi) the Zaru Religious Crisis of May 1988; (vii) the ABU Religious crisis of June 1988, (viii) the Bauchi Riot of 1992; (ix) the Zango Kataf uprising of May 1992; (x)
the (d)
Protection of the Law In all these riots Ndi Igbo were made victims as they were killed and their property destroyed or looted.
In the history of of redress to Ndi Igbo even in few cases of perfunctory official inquiries. Ndi Igbo enjoy less protection
of the law than any other ethnic group in license
of impunity to the rest of the mob who hoisted the head of a murdered Igbo citizen, Mr. Akaluka on a pole in a macabre street
procession of triumph right in the presence of law enforcement agencies, in an orgy of days of Igbo racial-baiting and massacres. 6.4
Economic Disempowerment 40 6.4.1
Denial and delay of infrastructural facilities The unwillingness of Federal Government to repair or reconstruct the bad infrastructural facilities damaged during the war hardened into cold indifference or indeed opposition to the existence of any infrastructures in Igbo land. The roads in the five states of South East have been acknowledged by all observers as the worst in the Federation. The
attitude of the Federal Government is clearly illustrated by one incident. The market,
the commercial knob of sub-region, was burnt down in a fire disaster. The evident value of this market to the economy and
foreign image of Government
to remedial action. But she remained indifferent. The request for federal assistance to Federal Government met with cold rebuff. The traders then asked for a loan in place of grant. This was also turned down. But at the same time, the Federal Government
released mi.6b, more than the estimated cost of reconstruction of the Market, for the Kaduna Trade Fair project. This incident is typical of Federal Government’s policy of cold indifference (indeed, subtle but outright antagonism) to the infrastructural development of Igbo states. The few Federal utilities in Igbo suffer total neglect, even when their appropriate maintenance
will have meant increased revenue to the Federal Government. Station has suffered virtual abandonment at a time of critical power shortage in Igboland and Eastern
area. The Coal Corporation at The Federal Government’s policy of total neglect of Igboland has become so glaring that some conscientious non-Igbo Nigerians have been shocked. Alhaji Balarabe Musa, an articulate conscience of the nation, publicly condemned it. Recently, the Speaker of the Federal House of Assembly, Alhaji Ghali Umar Na’Abba, was moved by his experience in a recent travel on the neglected
roads of Igboland to observe: “It is very sad that... this ( federal
neglect after 29 years of civil war... Let me use this opportunity to express
our heartfelt sympathy
with neglect...” (This Day, Nov. 22, 1999, p. 42) 6.4.2
Inequitable Resources Transfer Through The Conduit-Pipe of The Petroleum Trust Fund
(PTF) The
former Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, in his promised that the resultant gain accruing from the new pricing of petroleum products would be put into a special account to be “invested in Social and Infrastructural Projects for the Benefit of Nigerian People.” The promulgation of the PTF Decree No. 25 of 1994 and the subsequent inauguration
of the Board of Trustee on The PTF’s distribution of funds to the States in the areas of: 41 (i) Roads, road transportation and water ways (ii) Education (iii) Health (iv) Food Supply (v) Water Supply (vi) Other projects can only be described as unequitable, and with total disregard of the geopolitical Zone II comprising
the Igbo States-Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, nearly twice as much of the allocation as given to the Igbo States, in all the areas enumerated above, for no obvious reasons; while the other Zones were favoured in all the aspects above the Igbo Zone. Below are the figures supplied by PTF itself: Zone Index to Composition of Zones 1 2 3 4 5 6 Ekiti, Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Jigawa, Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Tarabe, Yobe Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Source: PTF Sector Overview (March, 1999) 42 TABLE 1 SUMMARY OF ROADS REHABILITATION PROJECTS Zone Kilometers Zonal Percentage Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 Zone 6 Total North South 1,984.50 977.9 5,020 4,299.44 4,551.03 1,478.03 18,310.9 km 76% 24% 10.84% 5.34% 27.42% 23.48% 24.86% 8.07% Source: PTF Situation Report on PTF Programmes, Vol.
II (Dec, 1998) TABLE 2 EDUCATION SECTOR – NATIONAL HEALTH AND EDUCATIONAL REHABILITATION PROGRAMME (NHERP) TERTIARY SECONDARY TOTAL NUMBER OF Contract Packages Federal State Federal State PRIMARY VOCATIONAL No. % Zone Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 Zone 6 Total North South 10 4 13 13 13 5 58 6% 33% - - 12 - 9 - 21 100% - - - 14 3 4 12 33 64% 36% - - 8 22 - 14 44 68% 32% - - 126 32 37 27 222 88% 12% - - - 14 17 1 32 97% 3% - 39 336 212 139 188 965 71% 29% - 4.4 34.82 21.97 14.40 19.48 Source: PTF Situation Report on PTF Programmes, Vol.
II (Dec. 1998) 43 TABLE 3 HEALTH SECTOR – NHERP NUMBER OF BENEFICIARY INSTITUTIONS TOTAL NUMBER OF CONTRACT PACKAGES Teaching Hospitals Specialist Hospitals General/ State Hospitals Health Clinics No. % Zone Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 Zone 6 Total North South - 2 5 1 2 3 13 62% 38% - 3 9 - 3 2 17 71% 29% - - 19 - 19 30 68 56% 44% - - 47 - 13 - 60 100% - - 31 263 2 116 63 475 80% 20% 0.00 6.53 55.37 0.42 24.42 13.26 Source: PTF Situation Report on PTF Programmes, Vol.
II (Dec. 1998) TABLE 4 SECTOR: FOOD SUPPLY SUMMARY ZONE AMOUNT ZONAL PERCENTAGE Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 Zone 6 NATIONWIDE North South 1, 432,629,978.19 792,359,989.20 11,945,11,806.46 2,322,171,532.81 2,198,878,675.21 1,039,920,544.49 19,731,080,510.00 85.3% 17% 7.26% 4.02% 60.54% 11.14% 11.14% 5.27% 44 A survey of PTF’s performance in all areas indicates that South-East Zone was placed a distant LAST - in the lowest rung of the ladder This deprivation is not only an unjust exclusion of one zone (South-East) from the share of federal resources, but also a cruel exercise in resources transfer. To add insult to injury, the South-East States are now to share the burden of liquidation of PTF debt for development which was carried out in other Zones. On its liquidation at the advent of the democratic rule of President Obasanjo, PTF was said to be owing N25 billion (press
report put the figure at N156.74 billion). The in an
interview with TELL Magazine of State
meeting of June, 1999, it was decided “that this money owed by the PTF would
be deducted
from the federation account, which means that all the States and Federal Government will pay this debt.” What is most unjust is that the South-East Zone, which did not benefit from this project, will now share the liabilities of PTF equitably with the lion-share beneficiaries of the North-West, North-Central, North- East Zones!!! So, what the preceding regimes perpetrated as an unjust exclusion of South- East Zone was
turned by the successor regime into a cruel RESOURCE- TRANSFER! The present democratic regime of President Obasanjo has set up an Interim Management Committee for the scrambled PTF. The Chairman, Malam H. Adamu, is from the North, five members of the Committee are from other geopolitical zones, but none from the South-East Zone. The Secretary, a civil servant, who is not a member of the Committee, is mischievously appointed from the South-East Zone. The whole scheme is a grand plan to exclude the South- East Zone, Ndi Igbo, from sharing in the benefits of this programme, which has benefited other zones, particularly the Northern zones. Thus, in accordance with the policy of continuity of marginalisation against Ndi Igbo by successive governments, the present successor government of President Obasanjo is perpetuating PTF’s policy of Igbo exclusion through the Interim Management Policy. 6.4.3
Discriminatory Industrial Policy The law of comparative advantage which should guide the Federal Government’s industrial policy in overall development of the Federation and assignment of roles to the zones has never worked in favour of South East zone. In converse, the law is stood on its head whenever it threatens to work to favour the zone. A few examples will prove this point. (a)
Iron and Steel complex and Petrochemical industry Igboland has so far been cheated out of at least two basic industries, which should ideally have been located in the zone, namely an iron and steel complex and the petrol-chemical industry. Studies have already shown that Igboland satisfies the raw material, transportation, market, and other requirements for the successful establishment of these industries. The artificial locations, in the North and the West, of these industries have been calculated to deny Igboland of the usual 45 linkage and other opportunities. (b)
The
most potent catalyst which of
the industrial potential of the Onitsha-Nnewi-Aba axis through the dredging of
River construction of an inland port, and construction of the long proposed second bridge across the river. If the early establishment of the Cross River Export Zone and other facilities recommended by recent Eastern Economic Summit is made, Igboland will reassuringly be hooked once again into
the national grill of Studies have confirmed the wisdom of this vision. But the projects which have been on the drawing board seem to have received a quiet verdict of indefinite postponement. (c)
Federal Boycott: There is no single Federal industry in the South East Zone! It
is a situation of silent boycott of this Zone. There is a depressingly deep cesspool of infrastructural destitution which has been brought about by the abysmally low level of federal provision and maintenance, since the end of the civil war, of roads, bridges, telecommunications, medical, educational and other facilities. Only lip service was
paid to the post-war slogan of “reconciliation, rehabilitation, and
reconstruction.” Thus, out of
91 national industries and business only 16 or a mere 17.7% were sited in the
entire East and NONE in Igboland. There has, of course, been an occasional token donations especially to educational institutions towards infrastructural provision/upkeep or an, equally, occasional adoption of an infrastructurally-deficient educational institution. These, however, pale into insignificance when put side by side with the massive infusion of federal funds into infrastructural projects located in the Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani Zones of the country. (d)
Double Standards There has been a negligible federal concern for the major ecological problems of Igboland, erosion, as compared to the impressive desertification, locust and flood relief programmes sponsored by the Federal government in the North. The ban on wheat importation along with the pursuit of wheat production in the Northern states received the priority attention of the federation Government in contrast to virtual lack of interest in equivalent boost to the production of rice and cassava in the South East or the South generally. 6.4.4
Revenue Sharing . Manipulation of revenue -sharing arrangements is another of the means being used to economically
disempower Ndi Igbo. Between the Phillipson Commission Report (1946) and the Dina Committee Report (1968) the principle of derivation had always enjoyed pride of place among the criteria for revenue
allocation in 46 revenue in the country; and it was very convenient for the West and the North, whose cocoa and groundnut were, respectively, bigger revenue-earners than the East’s palm produce, to derivation. Since the late sixties, when petroleum, which was located in the East, showed signs of replacing agriculture as a major revenue source, the West and the North, in a dramatic voltface, and to the embarrassment of the East, ensured the down-grading of the principle of derivation, to the point where, today, it has all but completely vanished as a criterion for revenue-sharing. It is significant that in the same year that the war ended, the principle received its deathblow through Decree No. 13, 1970, which recognised only two equally weighted principles, namely population and equality of States. Of course, the principle of derivation has, since, been revived to appease the oil-producing areas (which now happen to be some of the minority States) but in a grossly attenuated form, and after the assurance of exclusion of Ndi Igbo through the excision of their oil-producing lands. Originally directed against the Igbo, prior to the dismemberment of the East in the name of State-creation, the distortion of the principle of derivation has unfortunately backfired into the current Ogoni debacle and, presently, into the Ijaw Youth problems. The manipulation of revenue-sharing arrangements against the Igbo is clearly brought out in the following illustration. The contribution of the East to the national wealth rose steadily from the early fifties to well over 80% in 1972. Treinically, allocation to the East from the federal purse declined from 26.5% in 1954/55 to 23% in 1991; while, in contrast, the North’s share rose from 34% in 1954/55 to 50% in 1991, even though its contribution to what revenue could be shared nose-dived! Again, in 1972, all the Eastern States were allocated 22.4% of what was shared, while the Northern States took the lion’s share 55% of the national cake. The discriminatory manipulation of the principles of need and derivation has ensured that, at all times, the East in general, and the Igbo in particular, are down-trodden, and to that extent grossly marginalised. The pattern of disempowerment and the cold indifference of the Federal Government to all
pleas for remedy have planted in the minds of Ndi Igbo the conviction
and fear that has
not yet drawn the final curtain on the civil war. Rather, war by means of political, economic and social strangulation aimed at reducing Ndi Igbo to junior
and unrecognised stake- holders of corporate development through virtual slave labour and reaping nought in return. The strongest reassurance which the Federal Government can give to Ndi Igbo is a complete reversal of the policy and practice of disempowerment along with redemptive correction of past injustices. 6.4.5
Prayers We demand: 1. (a) Implementation by Federal Government of the report by a Commission of enquiry
on the killed and their properties were lost. 47 (b) Implementation by Federal Government of all the other reports of enquiry of the various ethnic and religious riots which took place across the country in which Igbos were targeted from 1980-1999. (c) Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as compensation in respect of an estimated 5,000 Igbos killed in other ethnic and religious riots which took place across the country between 1980-1999. (d) Payment of N100 million by the Katsina State Government to the affected Ndi Igbo in Katsina as compensation for losses and damages incurred by Ndi
Igbo in the city of Katsina
State Police Command dated losses and damages (see attached report). 2. That employment in the public service should be fairly re-distributed by the Federal Government of Nigeria to reflect Federal Character and accord the Igbos their due share in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the 3. (a) The reversal of the discriminating siting of Federal Industries to the disadvantage of Ndi Igbo by: (i) siting of Steel Rolling Mill in the South-East Zone. (ii) siting a Petrochemical Industry in the South-East. (b) The rehabilitation of the neglected industries in the South-East Zone such as
the Science Equipment Manufacturing Centre at Akwuke in the
Project Development Institute (PRODA) in (c) The reversal of the discriminating siting of Federal Infrastructures to the disadvantage of Ndi Igbo by: (i)
The construction of the second (ii)
The dredging of the River Niger, (iii) Dualization of Onitsha-Calabar road; Enugu-Cboloafor-Makurdi road. (d) Rehabilitation of all existing Federal roads in the South-East Zone. 4. The compensation for the discriminating PTF programme in Health and Educational sectors, Roads and Water projects, by providing these infrastructures in the South-East Zone to be commensurate with the provisions made in other geopolitical zones. 5. The release of an estimated sum of N3.8 million, by the Federal Government of 48 the
fire disaster of the Onitsha Main market, the Commercial knob of 1997. 6. That the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria should take appropriate measures to make the necessary appointments in his government to apply equity and justice to Ndi Igbo as a marginalized and oppressed ethnic nationality, by doing the following: (a) National
Security Council Appoint at least 2 persons from the South-East Zone into the Security Council in accordance with the 3rd schedule Part 1, Section 25, Paragraph (1) of the 1999 Constitution dealing with the composition of the National Security Council. (b) Armed
Forces Appoint at least one officer of the South-East origin as Chief of one of the arms of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and General Officer Commanding (GOC’s). (c) Nigerian
Police Force Appoint at least one more Deputy Inspector-General of Police (DIG) and 2 more Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of South- East origin to satisfy the Constitutional requirements in Section 14 (3). (d) That the Zonal structure of the Nigerian Police Force be changed so that the Police State Commands in the South-East Zone constitute their own reporting zone with its zonal office based in the South-East Zone. (e) That the South-East be declared a militarily disadvantaged zone in terms of the Military personnel, Military hardware, installations and Military base and provisions made in these regard just like the educationally disadvantaged States. It is indefensible that thirty (30) years after the end of the Civil War, a geopolitical zone (the South-East Zone) is deficient in these areas. 7.
The guarantee of Human Rights, Citizenship Rights and Residency Rights for Ndi Igbo
in all parts of 8. The law on census should be amended to allow movement of Nigerians resident in States other than their States of origin to returning to their natal States for headcount during census. Alternatively, the full and effective enforcement of the citizenship and human rights of the Constitution, prayed for earlier, should also focus on equal treatment for ALL the Nigerian citizens living in a given State – indigenes or non-indigenes - in the areas of Federal Character dispensation, tax assessment, school enrolment and fees and other forms of state protection. 49 This will eliminate injustice and exploitation to which a diaspora people such as Ndi Igbo are exposed. 9. Consider a constitutional arrangement whereby a Nigerian who has lived in a State other than his State of birth can, after living for a stipulated period (say, 10 years), as a matter of choice, acquire an indigenous citizenship of that other State. 50 7. SUMMAPY OF PRAYERS 7.1
Violations of the Human and Civil Rights of Ndi Igbo During the Immediate Pre- Civil
War Period We demand: 1. That the Federal Government of Nigeria render a public apology to Ndi Igbo for the genocidal pogroms of thousands of innocent unarmed Igbos killed in 1966. General Yakubu Gowon had in September, 1992, taken a lead in this direction on a personal capacity to purge his conscience. (Source: Champion Newspaper 2. The individual perpetrators of the pogroms should be tried before court of law. 3. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as compensation on behalf of the civil populace of Ndi Igbo for: (a) Estimated 50,000 Ndi Igbo kiled in the pogroms in the North; (b)
Estimated 10,000 Ndi Igbo who were killed in other parts of 1966-1067, with the Federal Government’s acquiesance 4. Payment of N1,000,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as compensation on behalf of the civil populace of Ndi Igbo for: (a) Estimated 30,000 Ndi Igbo who were maimed in the pogroms of 1966-67, in
the North and other parts of (b) Estimated 2,000,000 Ndi Igbo who were psychologically traumatized in the
pogroms of 1966-1967 in the North and other parts of 5. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria on behalf of 2,000,000 Igbo refugees in lieu of Rehabilitation and resettlement. 6. Payment of N3.6 billion as compensation for properties and investments owned by Ndi Igbo in the north (These include Hotels, Churches, Schools, Shops, Cars, Lorries, Tippers, Buses, Homes) which were destroyed and looted. 7. Payment of (a) Nl,000,000 as per a person as compensation on behalf of Igbo women for 50,000 severely raped during the period of the pogrom. (b) N500000 as per a person to 50,000 assaulted and maimed. 51 7.2
Violations of the Human and Civil Rights of Ndi Igbo During the Civil War 8. The perpetrators of the war crimes be tried before the court of law. 9. Payment of accumulated salaries and allowances due from May, 1966 to 1970, as well as N100,000 per person, as compensation by the Federal Government of displaced and lost their jobs. 10. Payment of N500 billion as compensation for investments and businesses owned by Ndi Igbo in various parts of Igboland from 1967-70, including Enugu Market, Umuahia Market, Nnewi Market, Afikpo Market, Otuocha Market, Abakaliki and Okigwe Markets, Industries, Factories and Corporate businesses, by the Federal Government
of 11. Construction of at least fifteen (15) Secondary Schools, twenty (20) Primary Schools, one (1) Hospital, four (4) Markets, one (1) Christian Association of Local Government Areas of Ndi Igbo and Igbo-Speaking areas, by the Federal Government
of 12. Payment of N500,000 for each of the estimated 600,000 Igbo civilians killed, from 1967-1970, as compensation for targetting unarmed civilians who were not involved with war. 13. Payment of N500,000 per child as compensation on behalf of an estimated 900,000 Igbo children who died as a result of malnourishment due to the economic blockage against the Biafrans, by the Federal Government of Nigeria. 14. Payment of N1,000,000 per child as compensation, on behalf of an estimated 2,000,000 Igbo children who suffered permanent intellectual retardation due to malnourishment, from 1967-1970, as a result of economic blockage against 15. A public apology by the Federal Government of Nigeria for the unique and gruesome massacre of over seven hundred (700) unsuspecting Ndi Igbo of Asaba origin in Asaba, who were lured to a reception and massacred on the 7th of October, 1968, by the Nigerian soldiers. 16. (a) Payment of Nl,000,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria as
compensation on behalf of an estimated three hundred (300) Ndi Igbo maimed in Asaba. (b) Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria in respect
of 700 Asaba indigenes killed on 52 17. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria as compensation in respect of an estimated eight hundred (800) Igbo civilians killed by
Nigerian soldiers in other parts of 18. Allocation of a special grant of N500,000,000 for immediate completion of reconstruction
of the destroyed during the civil war. 19. Payment of N1,000,000 per person by Federal Government of Nigeria as compensation in respect of an estimated 500,000 Igbo women raped and savaged during the war. 7.3
Violation of the Human and Civil Rights Of Ndi Igbo in the Immediate Post-war Era 20. Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria as compensation on behalf of 10,000 Igbo civilians and surrendered Biafran soldiers who were killed within three months after the official declaration of the end of the war
on 21. A restoration of all bank accounts of the Igbo, with accrued interest, who had been
operating account within Government
of 22. Payment of an average of N300,000 per adult Igbo, by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as compensation to 2.5 million adult war survivors, for gross underpayment of a
flat rate of ₤20 to
each adult Igbo in 1970, irrespective of their war savings between 29th May, 1967 – 15th January, 1970. 23. Payment of N900 billion as compensation to Ndi Igbo, by the Federal Government of Nigeria, for the willful damage to their purchasing power, as a result
of the flat rate ₤20 payment in 1970,
which gravely damaged their ability to compete fairly with other Nigerians when the Enterprises Promotion Decree of 1974, indigenized and privatized assets. 24. Payment of accumulated salaries and allowances due from 15th January, 1970 to date, to all public officers; reinstatement of displaced Igbo public officers; and formal disengagement of those not re-instated (including the payment of their retirement benefits) as the case may be, by the Federal Government of Nigeria. 25. Payment of accumulated salaries and allowances due from 15th January, 1970 to date, to all Igbo Military, Police and other paramilitary officers who were displaced as a result of the pogroms; re- instatement or formal disengagement of those not re-instated (including the payment of their retirement benefits) as the case may be, by the Federal Government of Nigeria. 53 26. A restoration of all Igbo land carved into Rivers State and Akwa Ibom State, by re-delineation of State boundaries, and to incorporate into the appropriate Igbo States all Igbo towns exercised from such States during the creation of States. 27. For equity and balance, the creation by the Federal Government of at least one more State and at least additional 50 Local Government Areas, in equal in status with the earlier ones created by the Federal Government in the South-East Zone. 28. The repossession by Ndi Igbo of their properties which were compulsorily acquired in contradiction of the provisions of the 1963 Constitution, Section 31 (1), No. 20, which was in operation at that time, by the Rivers State Government, Cross River State Government, and the Federal Government of Nigeria after the Civil War. 29. Payment of rentable values including the interests thereof from 1970 until the repossession of these properties by their rightful owners by the appropriate Governments and other parties for properties compulsorily acquired. 30. Payment of N500,000 per child by Federal Government of Nigeria in respect of an estimated 250,000 Igbo children who died immediately after the war as a result of the continuation of the starvation policy. 7.4
Violations of the Human and Civil Rights of Ndi Igbo in the later Post-war Era 31. (a) Implementation of the report by a Commission of enquiry on the Kano religious riot of 1995, in which so many Igbos were killed and their properties were lost. (b) Implementation of all the other reports of enquiry of the various ethnic and religious riots which took place across the country in which Igbos were targeted from 1980-1999. (c) Payment of N500,000 per person by the Federal Government of Nigeria, as compensation in respect of an estimated 5,000 Igbos killed in other ethnic and religious riots which took place across the country between 1980-1999. (d) Payment of N100 million by the Katsina State Government to the affected Ndi Igbo in Katsina as compensation for losses and damages incurred by Ndi Igbo in the city of Katsina during the religious and ethnic riot of Friday, 20th August, 1999. A press release by the Commissioner of Police, Katsina State Police Command dated 23rd August, 1999, confirms these losses and damages, see attached report. 54 32. That employment in the public service should be fairly re-distributed by the Federal Government of Nigeria to reflect Federal Character and accord the Igbos their due share in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 33. (a) The reversal of the discriminating siting of Federal Industries to the disadvantage of Ndi Igbo by: (i) siting of Steel Rolling Mill in the South-East Zone. (ii) siting a Petrochemical Industry in the South-East. (b) The rehabilitation of the neglected industries in the South-East Zone such as the Science Equipment Manufacturing Centre at Akwuke in Enugu, and the Project Development Institute (PRODA) in Enugu. (c) The reversal of the discriminating siting of Federal Infrastructures to the disadvantage of Ndi-Igbo by: (i) The construction of the second Niger Bridge across Otuocha. (ii) The dredging of the River Niger, Imo River, and Oguta Lake. (iii) Dualization of Onitsha-Calabar road; Enugu-Abakaliki- Ogoja road; Enugu-Oboloafor-Makurdi road. (d) Rehabilitation of all existing Federal roads in the South-East Zone. 34. The compensation for the discriminating PTF programme in Health and Educational sectors, Roads and Water projects, by providing these infrastructures in the South-East Zone to be commensurate with the provisions made in other geopolitical zones. 35. The release of an estimated sum of 113.8 million, by the Federal Government of Nigeria, to the Onitsha Main Market Traders Association as repair assistance for the fire disaster of the Onitsha Main Market, the commercial knob of Nigeria, in 1997. 36. That the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria should take appropriate measures to make the necessary appointments in his government to apply equity and justice to Ndi Igbo as a marginalized and oppressed ethnic nationality, by doing the following: (a) National
Security Council Appoint at least 2 persons from the South-East Zone into the Security Council in accordance with the 3rd schedule Part 1, Section 25, Paragraph (1) of the 1999 Constitution dealing with the composition of the National Security Council. (b) Armed
Forces 55 Appoint at least one officer of the South-East origin as Chief of one of the arms of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and General Officer Commanding (GOC’s). (c) Nigerian
Police Force Appoint at least one more Deputy Inspector-General of Police (DIG) and 2 more Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of South- East origin to satisfy the Constitutional requirements in Section 14 (3). (d) That the Zonal structure of the Nigerian Police Force be changed so that the Police State Commands in the South-East Zone constitute their own reporting zone with its zonal office based in the South-East Zone. (e) That the South-East be declared a Military disadvantaged zone in terms of the Military personnel, Military hardware, installations and Military base and provisions made in these regard just like the educationally disadvantaged States. It is indefensible that thirty (30) years after the end of the Civil War, a geopolitical zone (the South-East Zone) is deficient in these areas. 37.
The guarantee of Human Rights, Citizenship Rights and Residency Rights for Ndi Igbo in all parts of Nigeria, ensure protection to the lives and properties. 38. The law on census should be amended to allow movement of Nigerians resident in States other than their States of origin to return to their natal States for headcount during census. Alternatively, the full and effective enforcement of the citizenship and human rights of, the Constitution, prayed for earlier, should also focus on equal and the same treatment for ALL the Nigerian citizens living in a given State - indigenes or non-indigenes - in the areas of Federal Character dispensation, tax assessment, school enrolment and fees and other forms of state protection. This will remove the injustice and exploitation to which a diaspora people such as Ndi Igbo are exposed. 39. The Federal Government considers arrangement where by a Nigerian who has lived in a State other than his State of origin can, after living for a stipulated period (say 10 years) as a matter of choice, acquire an indigenous citizenship of that other State. 7.5
Grand Total Monetary Compensation The following Grand total Monetary Compensation does not include and is without prejudice to numbers 9, 11, 21, 24, 25, 29, 31 (a) and (b), and 34: 56 Total
Amount S/N
Description of Monetary Compensation (N) 3(a) N500,000 x 50,000 Pogrom casualties 25,000,000,000 3(b) N500,000 x 10,000 Pogrom casualties 5,000,000,000 4(a) Nl,000,000 x 30,000 Pogrom maimed 30,000,000,000 4(b) N1,000,000 x 2,000,000 Pogrom trauma 2,000,000,000,000 5 N500,000 x 2,000,000 Refugees in lieu of rehabilitation and settlement 1,000,000,000,000 6 Properties and investments destroyed and lost in the North during the pogrom 3,600,000,000 7(a) Nl,000,000 x 50,000 Women raped in 1966 50,000,000,000 7(b) N500,000 x 50,000 Assaulted and maimed in 1966 25,000,000,000 10 For investments and businesses destroyed in Igboland in 1967-70 500,000,000,000 12 N500,000 x 600,000 for Unarmed civilians killed between 1967-70 300,000,000,000 13 N500,000 x 900,000 Children due to malnourishment as a result of blockage 450,000,000,000 14 N1,000,000 x 2,000,000 for Intellectually retarded children due to malnourishment from 1967-70 21,000,000,000,000 16(a) N1,000,000 x 30 Maimed at Asaba 300,000,000 16(b) N500,000 x 700 Killed in Asaba in 1968 350,000,000 17 N500,000 x 8,000 Killed in other parts of the Mid- West in 1967 41,000,000,000 18 Special grant for the reconstruction of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) 500,000,000 19 N1,000,000 x 500,000 Women raped and savaged during the war 500,000,000,000 57 20 N50,000 x 10,000 Civilians and soldiers killed on surrender after the war 5,000,000,000 22 N300,000 x 2,500,000 for Adult survivor underpayment for war savings 750,000,000,000 23
For Willful damage to the purchasing power of Ndi Igbo 900,000,000,000 30 N500,000 X 25,000 Igbo children who. died as a result of malnutrition, due to the starvation policy 125,000,000,000 31(c) N500,000 x 5,000 Killed in ethnic and religious riots across the country, 1980-1999 2,500,000,000 31(d) For Losses and damages during the religious and ethnic riot in Katsina on 20th August, 1999 100,000,000 35 Repair assistance for the fire disaster of the Onitsha Main Market in 1997 3,800,000,000 GRAND
TOTAL N8,680,150,000,000 58 8. CONCLUSION History is replete with the lessons that marginalisation of people is, in the final analysis, UNSUSTAINABLE; for marginalisation, if allowed to foster, is capable of eventually unleashing explosive reactions. Slavery could not endure beyond a certain point. The vast colonial empires of the European powers had had to be liquidated. The problems of the minorities in the United States of America are eventually being addressed through “affirmative action.” The Jewish holocaust continues to stain the presence of German race and haunt her future. Ian Smith’s Rhodesia yielded place to present-day Zimbabwe. Apartheid collapsed under the weight of suppressed tensions. Marginalisation of Ndi Igbo, if allowed to foster in Nigeria, will resolve itself autonomously in the fullness of time, but not without untold bloodshed and social disruption. For ignoring these lessons of history, Yugoslavia, Somalia, Sudan and Burundi are, today, paying dearly with the blood of their citizens. The prospect of such a catastrophe is not far fetched for a country like Nigeria whose volatility has already been and underscored by a civil war. Signed: HRH IGWE ENGR. A. C. OKOYE Chairman, Council of Elders PROF. B. O. NWABUEZE Secretary-General EZEGO DR. A. EZIKPE COMRADE UCHE CHUKWUMERIJE DR. ALEX EKWUEME DR. P. C. EZIFE DP.OGBONNAYA ONU CHIEF CHRIS NWANKWO CHIEF C. C. ONOH SENATOR ISIAH ANI DR. SYLVESTER U. UGOH CHIEF DR. E. C. IWUANYANWU CHIEF P. O. C. OZIEH DR.] .B. AZINGE CHIEF SIR EMMANUEL AGUMA For
And On Behalf Of OHA-NA-EZE NDI IGBO 59 TABLE 1 POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN NIGERIA BY REGIONS AND
ETHNIC GROUPS: 1952/53-1991 1952/53
1963 1991 * ** *** NIGERIA EASTERN NIGERIA IGBOS IN EASTERN NIGERIA NON-IGBOS IN EASTERN NIGERIA WESTERN NIGERIA (YORUBAS) NORTHERN NIGERIA MID-WESTERN NIGERIA 30.42 7.22 5.22 2.0 4.87 16.84 1.49 100 23.73 17.16 6.57 16.00 55.36 4.89 55.67 12.39 8.30 4.09 10.93 29.81 2.50 100 22.26 14.91 25.31 19.63 53.55 4.49 88.51 21.80 11.93 9.87 17.60 47.4 4.80 100 24.63 13.48 11.15 19.88 53.55 15.42 * For 1991, figure includes the eight Igbo speaking
Local Government Areas in Rivers State ** For 1952/53, 1963 and 1991, figures include Lagos
State *** For 1991, figure represents Edo State and Delta
States Source: Census News, A House Magazine of the National
Population Commission, September 1992, Vol. 3, No. 1. 60 TABLE 2* NIGERIA’S HEADS OF STATE/GOVERNMENT (ETHNIC TENURE) OCT 1, 1960 – OCT 1, 1998 S/N
Name Title Period Ethnicity Ethnic Tenure % of Whole Tenure 1. General Yakubu Gowon Head of State 29.7.66 -
29.7.75 ANGAS 9 years 23 2. General Ibrahim Babangida Head of State 28.8.85 -
26.8.93 GWARI 8 years 21 3. General Sani Abacha Head of State 17.11.93 - 8.6.98
KANURI 5 yrs 5 mths 8 days 16 4. Alh. Abubakar Tafawa Balewa Prime Minister 1.10.60
- 15.1.66 JARAWA 5 yrs 2 mths 15 days 13 5. Alh. Shehu Shagari President 1.10.79 - 31.12.93
FULANI 4 yrs 3 mths 12 6. Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari Head of State 31.12.83 -
27.8.85 FULANI 4 yrs 3 mths 12 7. General Olusegun Obasanjo Head of State 13.2.76 -
30.9.79 YORUBA 3 yrs 4 mths 9 days 10 8. Chief Ernest Shonekan Head of State 26.8.93 -
17.11.93 YORUBA 3 yrs 4 mths 9 days 10 9. General Olusegun Obasanjo Exe. President 29.5.99 -
Date YORUBA 3 yrs 4 mths 9 days 10 10. Gen. Abdusalami Abubakar Head of State 8.6.93 -
29.5.99 HAUSA 1 yr 2 mths 13 days 5 11. Gen. Murtala Mohammed Head of State 29.7.75 -
13.2.76 HAUSA 1 yr 2 mths 13 days 5 12. Maj-Gen. J. T. U. Aguiyi Ironsi Head of State
16.1.66 - 29.7.66 IBO 6 mths 13 days 1 * This table is of executive heads of government. It
excludes a ceremonial head of state like Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. 61 TABLE 2b NIGERIA’S HEADS OF STATE/GOVERNMENT (ETHNIC &
GEOGRAPHICAL SPREAD) OCT 1, 1960 – OCT 1, 1998 S/N
Name Title Period Ethnicity Zone Region 1. DR. NNAMDI AZIKIWE PRESIDENT 1.10.60 - 15.1.66 IBO
S.E. EAST 2. ALH. ABUBAKAR TAFAWA BALEWA PRIME MINISTER 1.10.60
- 15.1.66 JARAWA N.E. NORTH 3. MAJ-GEN. J. T. U. AGUIYI IRONSI HEAD OF STATE
16.1.66 - 29.7.66 IBO S.E. EAST 4. GEN YAKUBU GOWON HEAD OF STATE 29.7.66 - 29.7.75
ANGAS N.C. NORTH 5. GEN. MURUTALA MOHAMMED HEAD OF STATE 29.7.75 -
13.2.76 HAUSA N.W. NORTH 6. GEN. OLUSEGUN OBASANJO HEAD OF STATE 13.2.76 -
30.9.79 YORUBA S.W. WEST 7. ALH. SHEHU SHAGARI PRESIDENT 1.10.79 - 31.12.93
FULANI N.W. NORTH 8. MAJ-GEN. MUHAMMADU BUHARI HEAD OF STATE 31.12.83 -
27.8.85 FULANI N.W. NORTH 9. GEN. IBRAHIM BABANGIDA PRESIDENT 28.8.85 - 26.8.93
GWARI N.C. NORTH 10. CHIEF ERNEST SHONEKAN HEAD OF STATE 26.8.93 -
17.11.93 YORUBA S.W. WEST 11. GEN. SANI ABACHA HEAD OF STATE 17.11.93 - 8.6.98
KANURI N.W. NORTH 12. GEN. ABDUSALAMI ABUBAKAR HEAD OF STATE 8.6.93 -
29.5.99 HAUSA N.C. NORTH 13. GEN. OLUSEGUN OBASANJO EXECUTIVE PRESIDENT 29.5.99 - Date YORUBA S.W. WEST 62 TABLE 3 GEOPOLITICAL DISTRIBUTION OF
POLITICAL POWER IN NIGERIA SINCE INDEPENDENGEOPOLITICAL INDEPENDENCE S/No Key Public Officers in Areas Total East E/M (Minority) North N/M (Minority) West W/M (Minority) 1. Heads of Govt. (1960-99) 12 1 % (8.3) 0 % (0) 5 %
(41.6) 3 % (25) 2 % (16.7) 0 % (0) 2. Ministers (1960-62) 25 5 % (20) 1 % (4) 10 % (40) 1
% (4) 6 % (24) 2 % (8) 3. Perm. Sec. (1960-1962) 20 3 % (15) 1 % (5) 2 % (10)
6 % (10) 6 % (30) 6 % (30) 4. Parliamentary Sec. (1960-62) 16 4 % (25) 2 % (12.5)
5 % (12.5) 2 % (12.15) 2 % (12.15) 1 % (6.25) 5. Shagari’s Regime 42 4 % (9.52) 5 % (11.9) 16 %
(38.1) 6 % (14.29) 9 % (21.42) 2 % (6.25) 6. Perm. Sec. (Ironsi) 21 2 % (9.5) 0 % (0) 6 % (28.6)
2 % (9.5) 6 % (28.6) 5 % (23.8) 7. SMC (Ironsi) 6 1 % (16.7) 0 % (0) 2 % (33.3) 1 %
(16.7) 2 % (33.3) 0 % (0) 8. SMC (Gowon) 5 0 % (0) 0 % (0) 1 % (20) 2 % (40) 1 %
(20) 1 % (20) 9. Ministers (Gowon) 12 1 % (8.3) 2 % (16.7) 4 %
(33.3) 1 % (8.3) 4 % (33.3) 1 % (8.3) 10. SMC (Mohammed) 22 1 % (4.5) 0 % (0) 9 % (41) 4 %
(18.2) 7 % (31.8) 1 % (4.5) 11. Governors (Mohammed) 12 0 % (0) 0 % (0) 5 % (41.3)
2 % (16.7) 2 % (16.7) 3 % (25) 12. Governors (03/02/76) 19 1 % (5.26) 1 % (5.26) 7 %
(36.85) 4 % (21.05) 4 % (21.05) 2 % (10.53) 13. Ministers (03/02/76) 25 2 % (8) 4 % (16) 6 % (24)
5 % (20) 7 % (28) 1 % (4) 14. Military Ads (24/02/76) 23 1 % (5.26) 0 % (0) 6 %
(31.58) 4 % (21.05) 5 % (26.32) 3 % (15.19) 15. Ministers (24/07/78) 20 2 % (10) 2 % (10) 5 % (25)
2 % (10) 6 % (30) 3 % (15) 16. SMC (01/01/84) 18 1 % (5.56) 2 % (11.11) 6 %
(33.33) 5 % (27.78) 2 % (11.11) 2 % (11.11) 17. Governors (01/01/84) 19 2 % (10.53) 1 % (5.58) 6 %
(31.59) 3 % (20.05) 5 % (26.32) 1 % (5.26) 18. Ministers (01/01/84) 18 2 % (11.11) 2 % (11.11) 8
% (44.44) 2 % (11.11) 1 % (5.56) 3 % (16.67) 19. AFRC (27/09/85) 30 1 % (3.33) 3 % (10) 7 % (23.38)
8 % (26.67) 8 % (26.67) 3 % (10) 20 Governors (02/09/85) 19 2 % (10.53) 3 % (10) 7 %
(23.38) 8 % (26.27) 8 % (26.27) 3 % (10) 21. Governors (02/09/85) 19 2 % (10.53) 1 % (5.25) 5 %
(26.23) 5 % (26.32) 4 % (21.05) 2 % (10.53) 63 S/No Key Public Officers in Areas Total East E/M (Minority) North N/M (Minority) West W/M (Minority) 1. Heads of Govt. (1960-99) 12 1 % (8.3) 0 % (0) 5 %
(41.6) 3 % (25) 2 % (16.7) 0 % (0) 22. Ministers (10/09/85) 22 2 % (9.09) 2 % (9.09) 6 %
(27.27) 6 % (27.27) 4 % (18.19) 2 % (9.09) 23. Governors (19/12/87) 5 1 % (20) 0 % (0) 3 % (60) 0
% (0) 1 % (20) 0 % (0) 24. Governors (21/07/88) 14 0 % (0) 0 % (0) 4 %
(28.57) 4 % (28.57) 5 % (35.72) 1 % (7.14) 25. Ministers 16 2 % (12.5) 2 % (12.5) 6 % (37.5) 3 %
(18.75) 2 % (12.5) 1 % (5.25) 26. AFRC (29/03/89) 11 1 % (9.09) 0 % (0) 4 % (36.36)
4 % (36.36) 1 % (9.09) 1 % (9.09) 27. Governors (29/03/89) 5 0 % (0) 0 % (0) 3 % (60) 2
% (40) 0 % (0) 0 % (0) 28. Ministers (08/01/90) 18 2 % (11.11) 2 % (11.11) 2
% (11.11) 7 % (38.89) 2 % (11.11) 3 % (16.67) 29. Ministers (30/01/90) 10 1 % (10) 0 % (0) 6 % (60)
2 % (20) 1 % (10) 0 % (0) 30. Governors (30/01/90) 21 2 % (9.52) 1 % (4.76) 7 %
(33.33) 7 % (33.33) 3 % (14.29) 1 % (4.76) 31. Mil. Ads. for new states (27/08/91) 9 1 % (11.11)
0 % (0) 3 % (33.33) 1 % (11.11) 2 % (22.22) 2 % (22.22) 32. Ministers (13/01/92) 23 4 % (17.41) 1 % (4.35) 11
% (47.82) 1 % (4.35) 5 % (21.73) 1 % (4.35) 33. AFRC (13/01/92) 18 1 % (5.55) 0 % (0) 5 % (27.78)
6 % (33.33) 3 % (16.67) 3 % (16.67) 34. National Def, & Sec. Council (04/01/93) 14 1 % (7.14) 1 % (7.14) 3 % (21.43) 5 %
(35.72) 3 % (21.43) 1 % (7.14) 35. Transitional Council 30 4 % (13.33) 2 % (6.67) 14
% (46.67) 3 % (10) 4 % (13.33) 3 % (10) 36. ING 32 4 % (13.33) 2 % (6.67) 14 % (46.67) 3 %
(10) 4 % (13.33) 3 % (10) 37. PRC (Nov 1993) Abacha 11 1 % (9.09) 0 % (0) 4 %
(36.36) 2 % (18.18) 3 % (27.27) 1 % (9.09) 38. Ministers (Dec. ’93) Abacha 30 4 % (13.33) 3 %
(10) 11 % (36.67) 5 % (16.67) 5 % (16.67) 2 % (6.67) 39. Mil. Ad. (Dec. ’93) Abacha 30 5 % (13.33) 3 % (10)
8 % (26.67) 8 % (26.67) 5 % (16.67) 2 % (2.66) 40 Ministers (Mar. ’95) Abacha 36 5 % (13.5) 3 %
(8.33) 14 % (38.89) 4 % (11.11) 7 % (19.44) 3 % (8.33) * AFRC – Armed Forces Ruling Council ** PRC – Provisional Ruling Council *** Mil. Ad. – Military Administrator 64 FIGURE 1 PTF - SUMMARY OF ROAD REHABILITATION PROJECTS [KILOMETERS OF ROADS] (UP TO 1998) 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 GEOPOLITICAL ZONES KILOMETERS OF ROADS SW SE NW NE NC SS 65 FIGURE 2 PTF – FOOD SUPPLY SUMMARY [AMOUNT SPENT IN NAIRA] (UP TO 1998) NGN 0.00 NGN 2.00 NGN 4.00 NGN 6.00 NGN 8.00 NGN 10.00 NGN 12.00 NGN 14.00 GEOPOLITICAL ZONES NAIRA (BILLIONS) SW SE NW NE NC SS 66 FIGURE 3 PTF – NATIONAL HEALTH AND
EDUCATIONAL REHABILITATION PROGRAMME [NHERP] EDUCATION SECTOR [NO. OF SCHOOLS REHABILITATION] (UP TO 1998) 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 GEOPOLITICAL ZONES SCHOOLS REHABILITATED SW SE NW NE NC SS 67 FIGURE 4 PTF – NATIONAL HEALTH AND EDUCATIONAL REHABILITATION PROGRAMME [NHERP] EDUCATION SECTOR [NO. OF HEALTH REHABILITATION] (UP TO 1998) 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 GEOPOLITICAL ZONES HEALTH REHABILITATED SW SE NW NE NC SS 68 FIGURE 5 PTF – EDUCATIONAL AMOUNT [AMOUNT SPEND IN NAIRA] (UP TO 1998) NGN 0.00 NGN 0.50 NGN 1.00 NGN 1.50 NGN 2.00 NGN 2.50 GEOPOLITICAL ZONES NAIRA (BILLIONS) SW SE NW NE NC SS 69 PRESS
RELEASE 1. The State Command and members of the general public in Katsina are aware of the apparent
threat to law and order of law-abiding citizens of the State on Friday, 20th August 1999, through the wanton destruction of properties in Katsina Metropolis. 2. It cold be recalled that Katsina Local Government enacted a Bye-law in June 1999 prohibiting sale of alcohol and prostitution in Katsina Local Government Area. Hoteliers who are affected by this Bye-law took the Local Government Council to Court challenging their constitutional powers to enact such law. The case after several adjournments has been adjourned to October 14th, 1999 for hearing at Katsina High Court 3. 3. Under the present political dispensation and in our democratic setting the Court alone has the authority to clarify all issues dealing with the law and its interpretations. Every reasonable law abiding citizen are expected to await the out come of the case in Court. 4. Unfortunately, a group of miscreants and misguided individuals decided to take the laws into
their hands by looting and burning Hotels and peoples properties on Friday, 20th August, 1999. My assessment of the destruction on arrival from special duty to Kano on Saturday revealed in all: (i) Seven Hotels namely: (a) Peoples Palace Hotel (b) Old Peoples Palace Hotel (c) Capital Hotel (d) Liberty Hotel (e) Havana Hotel (f) Goma Guest Inn Accommodation and Lodging. (g) Olympia Hotel and Restaurant. (h) New City Hotel, Restaurant and Lodging (ii) Celestial Church of Christ. (iii) Several individual properties and two residential houses were looted and burnt. 5. The State Command has arrested Seventy-three (73) suspects including one Babalawo Ali who led the group of miscreants to wretch havoc by looting and burning people’s properties. Others associated with this act of law-less-ness are being sought and will be brought to justice. All those arrested will soon appear in Court. 6. Members of the public and all law-abiding citizens in this State are assured of their safety and security. The incident of Friday, 20th August, 1999 has no religious or ethnic under 70 tones because all major religion abhor violence and looting of others properties. Every well-meaning citizen of the State condemns this lawlessness which cannot be condoned under this dispensation. While assuring every one of the Command's preparedness to protect lives and properties in the State, parents and guidance are advised to warn their children and wards from being lured and used by any misguided individual or groups who have no fear of Allah under any guise. 7. The Command has made adequate arrangement to deal with ruthlessly with any threat to law and order in the State. 8. I also wish to inform the general public of the arrest of some dealers of hard drugs suspected to be Indian hemp on Sunday, 22nd August, 1999. Eighteen Bags of substance suspected to be Indian Hem being conveyed to Jibia in a Peugeot 505 Station Wagon has been recovered and one Hassan Salisu arrested. The case will be transferred to the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) immediately for investigation and prosecution. 9. Once more I wish to seize this opportunity to appeal for useful information on crime and | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
